"America and Iran" is the title of a book by John Ghazvinian. According to Wikipedia, the author was born in Iran in 1974, and when he was one year old, his family moved to England. Therefore, he was not in Iran during the revolution of 1978-79, beside of the fact that he was too little to experience it then, regardless. As a journalist, however, he might have been interested in learning and writing about one of the 20th century revolutions that changed the shape of the Middle East forever; especially that the revolution occurred in the land he was born in.
The book chronicles the relationship
between Iranian and American governments, officially or unofficially, since its
origin in mid- twentieth century. This relationship became stronger and longer
lasting after the demise of British Empire, which was replaced by the new
empire, the United States. However, US-Iranian relation after the revolution of
1978-79 in Iran turned into a very different phase, which occupies most of the
pages of the book. Some events are discussed in much more detail, due to their
significances and in comparison with other similar events. One of the
highlights of the book is the event of oil nationalization, that was demolished
by an American coup, the first coup American government performed successfully
in another country, which became a blueprint for more coup d’etats in other
countries.
Although the book does not
specifically mention it, but it is obvious from description of events that the
new Islamic Republic government tried its best to be recognized by the United
States, and in some respects struggled to have the same affiliation as American
government had with Iranian government during the Shah. The struggle backfired
each time, opposed by American governments, Democrat or Republican. On many
occasions Iranian government gave America extraordinary advantages and used
various influential organizations to get closer to “The Great Satan”, as
Khomeini called it, but was not welcomed by the United States. The book shows
clearly how much the government of Khatami struggled to create some mutual
beneficial links with the United States, with no success.
It is a fact of history now that
Iranian revolution was kidnaped by Khomeini when he realized his popularity
among all and various fractions. One of the main characters of Khomeini that
made him popular for Iranians was his stubbornness and pertinacious
character he showed in dealing with the Shah. He never bowed to the Shah’s demands, even when he was exiled
from his birthplace. Of course, he was not the only one who did not submit to
the Shah’s demands, but the way he was treated by the government made him
popular among those who resented that government. Religion has never been a
main factor for Iranian people, and it has always been a tradition which had
been kept in the background. When ninety-eight percent of the population voted
for Islamic Republic right after the revolution, they did not mean the present religious
autocratic regime either. In fact, majority of Iranians never thought of a
religion to govern their lives, as it was what Khomeini meant it to be. At the
time, Iran was the only country that accepted Islam after such a barbaric and
brutal attack by Arabs, but changed it completely to the least fraction of
Islam, Shiism. These are not
discussed in the book, as the book maintains only the relationship between the
two countries, but it is important to know that Iranians never had any problem
with the religious aspect of the Shah’s regime, rather its allegiance to the
West.
American coup d’etat of 1953 to
remove Mossadegh, who was trying to keep the most valuable of Iranian assets,
oil, in Iranian hands, was never erased from people’s minds. Cooperation of the
Shah with the United States against Mossadegh, whose aim was to keep this
national treasure in Iranian hands, was perceived as a betrayal against people
of Iran. When Mossadegh as the prime minister was very popular, the Shah left
the country, and came back after the coup d’etat: “The corpses were still
being counted when the shah returned to Tehran three days later... For his own
safety, the monarch’s arrival was not announced to the public in advance, and
his route back to the palace was lined with tanks and soldiers to prevent
unexpected disturbances. By any measure, this was hardly the triumphant return
of a beloved king.” (P. 201)
During the time of the Shah, Nuclear
Energy establishment was built, in order to process uranium as a source of
energy. The Islamic government continued the project, but confronted with American
government’s opposition, implying that they were trying to build atomic bomb.
Even when the international official of the organization watch group testified
against it, US government did not discount its claim: “By 2007, tensions had
risen to such a point that the IAEA’s director general, Mohamed El Baradei,
felt compelled to step in and issue a rare rebuke to the United States. There
was, he said, ‘no evidence’ that Iran was developing nuclear weapons.” (P. 468)
Israeli government’s influence over
American government has been known for years. The recent genocide committed by
Netanyahu against Palestinians with military ammunitions sent to Israel by
Bidon, clearly shows the strong influence of Israeli government on American
politicians. In fact, it is clear for all American politicians that American
Israel Public Affairs committee (AIPAC) has so much power that any American
representative in the House or in the Senate opposes directives of this
organization, is doomed: “It is common knowledge in Washington that if AIPAC
sponsors a bill, that bill will pass, swiftly, with margins like 99-0 in the
Senate and 412-12 in the house… By the end of Obama’s first year, Netanyahu had
given up on playing nice and overtly suggested that if the United States was
not serious about confronting Iran, Israel was prepared to take matters into
its own hands.” (P. 498)
It is clear from disclosed documents in this book that Iranian government officials have tried any possible means they had access to, in order to become friendly with various American governments, but they have always been pushed back and treated with animosity. This has left Iranian officials with a grave attitude towards America, wounds and scars of which can be seen on the face of the country. Considering that majority of Iranian immigrants live in the United States, it makes one wonder the reason for such a grave animosity. Considering how much the government of Jimmy Carter worked behind the scenes to get rid of the Shah, it is curious why United States does not welcome Islamic Republic hands in mutually beneficial jesters, and cooperation. Although a great majority of Iranians living in Iran are totally dissatisfied with their government, it is obvious that the regime in Iran will not face another revolution and may become more democratic after some catastrophic events. This book is a tremendous source to examine the history and the trend of the relationship between the two countries. After reading the book, one can easily conclude that considering almost half a century of Islamic Republic in existence, American government is yet to know how to deal with this regime. A regime that created the greatest migration of Iranians in history, the most unpopular governments, and the weakest economy. Perhaps that is the aim of the American government anyway!
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