January 12, 2024
Ottawa
(Special to Informed Comment) – The term “social movements” typically evoke the
idea of political activities in a sphere separate from culture, but social
movements are closely related to values, ways of living, ethics, and more
broadly culture. Among new social movement scholars, there is a growing
recognition that social movements have more cultural impact than is reflected
in the field. Moreover, since the
symbolic dimension of culture is part of policies and practices in all spheres,
social movements are increasingly acknowledged to exert cultural influence not
only in political and economic realms but also in non-political domains such as
the spheres of art, music, education, fashion, and more. This paper seeks to
discuss the Women, Life, Freedom movement in a broader context of culture and
everyday practices, to explore what sense we can make of it one year after its
emergence, and to see what it tells us about the prospect of Women’s freedom
movements in Iran. The discussion begins with an overview of the contextual
background.
Since
the 1987 Revolution, women’s bodies and female sexuality have served as focal
points for promoting Islamic nationalism in Iran. The veil, in particular,
became a powerful marker of resistance against the penetration of Western
values. Although the politicization of female bodies and sexuality did not
begin with the Islamic Revolution, here the focus is on the period surrounding
the revolution and its aftermath. On the discursive level, two strategies or
social technologies have been employed in attempts to govern female sexuality.
The first, identity formation, involves crafting the “Ideal Woman” to be
imitated, as exemplified by Ali Shariati’s depiction of “Fatemeh” (Mohammad’s
daughter), as simple, pure, and devoid of sexual instincts. This form of
identity formation remains an ongoing project, evident in the publication of
books on “The Balanced Woman” and the organization of conferences on the
subject where the balanced woman is envisioned as a defender of the Islamic
revolution and its martyrs. The second strategy, knowledge production and
discourses on female sexuality and women’s role in an Islamic society have
varied around temporal and political contexts. For instance, Farhi (1994)
explores how Khomeini’s writings attributed different functions to women’s
sexuality and behavior depending on the political contexts, e.g., a shift from
a set of instructions for legitimate reproduction to insistence on the role of
veiled women in resisting western forces during the years of the Islamic
revolution.
With
respect to the material dimension, a number of apparatuses emerged almost
immediately after the revolution to make sure that women abided by alleged
Islamic dress codes through the imposition of uniforms in schools and by
mandating the wearing of the Chador as a pre-condition for accessing particular
services, such as some healthcare facilities. These measures transformed the
wearing of the hijab into a coercive institutional mandate.
The
portrayal of women as the guardians of the revolutionary cause and the
imposition of the mandatory hijab were never universally accepted or endorsed
by women. Groups of women resisted these from the outset. Among middle-class
women, resistance took the form of not following the hijab regulations strictly
by, for example, participating in large-scale street demonstrations in 1981
after the hijab became officially mandatory or allowing some hair to remain
visible. Additionally, Iranian women
have participated in a number of campaigns over the years, including The One
Million Signatures Campaign and the Stealthy Freedom campaign, and of course,
most recently last year’s Women, Life, Freedom movement.
More
than a year has passed since Mahsa Amini’s death. The repercussions of that
tragic incident were undeniably significant. While the Women, Life, Freedom
movement emerged in Iran, it rapidly gained international attention and
received substantial support, primarily from the Iranian diaspora. The
expansive scale of the protests, the international attention, and the
expressions of solidarity, coupled with widespread media coverage, led many, me
included, to anticipate an eventful protest on the one-year anniversary of
Amini’s death. However, it was quieter than one would have imagined.
Does
this apparent quietness signify a failure of the movement, or a weakening of
Iranian women’s resolve to resist? Drawing on firsthand observations, my
response leans towards a “No”. I am an Iranian woman in diaspora who lived
through dress-code regulations imposed by the Iranian government. I also
witnessed daily life both during the Women, Life, Freedom uprising’s active
phase and on the first anniversary of Amini’s death. Moreover, my ongoing
research explores the governance of sexuality in contemporary Iran,
contributing to my contextual understanding. These factors position me to
address and engage with the question posed. As I said, my short answer to the
question is no. My longer answer unfolds below.
As
mentioned earlier, I was in Tehran when the protests in response to Amini’s
death began. Participating in protests was not the only way women responded,
they demonstrated their solidarity through alternative means, such as
uncovering their hair and navigating daily life without traditional coverings.
The prevalence of women without hijabs increased notably on the days when there
was a call for protest. Although I left Tehran a few months into the uprising,
upon my return several months later, I observed a substantial rise in the
number of women confidently navigating the streets without hijabs. I understand
this as a continuation of the Women, Life, Freedom movement.
The
Iranian authorities have proposed and discussed new measures to enforce the
compulsory wearing of the hijab. Rather than physical punishment, alternative
measures include preventing those women who do not conform from accessing
certain services, such as internet connectivity or employment opportunities. A
member of Iran’s parliament, citing the interior minister, stated that if
violators persist in breaking the hijab rules after receiving a warning via
text message, they would be denied public services, potentially affecting
access to banks, government offices, schools, and university campuses. In April
2023, Iran’s Education Ministry declared that schooling would be withheld from
those who break hijab rules. Technologies like surveillance cameras are said to
be deployed in public spaces to monitor individuals and identify women not
adhering to hijab regulations.
The
Iranian government has implemented some of these plans: for instance, numerous
car owners received text notifications about fines for not wearing the hijab
while driving. The question that arises is to what extent can the government
use these new measures to successfully compel women to abide by the hijab
rules. Below, I try to delve into specific observations that might provide the
reader with a better perspective.
My
observations of street life reveal a significant increase in the number of
women navigating public spaces without veils. While the morality police have
not utilized the same violent measures as in the past, and there have been no
widespread arrests of unveiled women, officers, typically one female and at
least two to three males, stationed at the entrances of subway stations,
continue monitoring and instructing unveiled women to “correct” their hijab. In
all instances observed, no woman obeyed these commands, and there were even
occasions when elderly individuals expressed admiration for the acts of
disobedience of younger women.
The
proposed punishment of denying women’s access to services like banks for
persistently appearing in public without a hijab was one of the new enforcement
measures. However, I witnessed an incident where a woman entered a bank without
wearing a hijab was treated respectfully by the staff, receiving the service
she needed. While this is a single example, and I do not mean to overgeneralize
it, my observations at various organizations and institutions have led me to
conclude that what I term “ordinary staff members” generally do not
discriminate against women without hijabs. On the contrary, my experiences
during data collection at an important organization in Iran indicated that such
staff members exhibit sympathy or at least tolerance toward women who contravene
hijab regulations.
The
persistence of women breaking hijab laws extends beyond Tehran. During my stay,
I had the opportunity to travel to two other cities, namely Kerman and Shiraz,
the former recognized for its comparatively religious or conservative nature.
In these two cities, there was a lighter presence of officers on the streets.
In Kerman, although there were fewer unveiled women on the streets, there
seemed to be significant tolerance towards them. In Shiraz, the number of
unveiled women engaging in daily life was considerably high.
In
conclusion, while the state continues to monitor women and employ measures
against hijab rule breakers, it is highly unlikely that it will achieve its
goals. The state appears to lack the necessary capacity, including technologies
and more importantly support from the majority of the people, to succeed.
Moreover, the occupation of public spaces by women engaging in acts of “civil
disobedience,” putting their bodies at risk, appears to be capable of
contesting the state’s capacity to control women’s bodies. This insight may
provide valuable guidance for determining effective forms of activism and
resistance for Iranian women and offers hopeful prospects for their activism in
the future.
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