May 4, 2024
Saffron fueled
Kashmir’s local economy and culture for centuries, but its days might be
numbered.
There are many
local legends about how saffron came to Kashmir. One goes back to the 12th
century, and says that Sufi saints Khawaja Masood Wali and Sheikh Sharif-u-din
Wali presented a local chieftain with a saffron bulb after he cured them of an
illness while they were traveling. Another claims that the Persians brought it
in 500 B.C., as a means to further trade and market. A third dates the spice
back to the Hindu Tantric kings, when it was mixed into hot water to create
potions that incited feelings of romantic love.
While the myths
arouse discord, there’s one item of consensus: Kashmiri saffron is the
sweetest, most precious spice in the world. Its strands are thicker and more
fragrant than its counterpart from Iran, which accounts for more than 90
percent of the world’s saffron production. For Kashmiri farmers, crop sells for
as much as 250,000 INR or $3,400 USD a kilogram, or $1,550 a pound, in what was
once a booming industry. Most of Kashmir’s saffron is grown in Pampore, south
of the state’s summer capital, Srinagar. Thirty years ago, it would take
Fehmida Mir’s family six to seven months to pick and then package their crop;
she recounts memories of winters filled with the spice’s fragrance and palms
golden from working with it. As recently as a decade ago, Mir would be able to
harvest 200 kilograms of saffron, half of the 400 kilos her parents would get
in the 1990s. Three years ago, her crop dropped to 20 kilograms; in 2016, it
dropped to 15. Last year, the crop weighed less than 7 kilograms; this year’s
produce has been the same. In all of Pampore, farmers have suffered similar
fates, unable to account for their production for the last two years, as it was
so little.
In other words,
saffron production in Kashmir is at one of the lowest recorded in history.
“When I was a young girl, there would be no place to sit after harvest,” says
Mir, whose family has owned land for three generations. “On the day we picked
the flowers, we would all come around and sing to the fields. It was the most
special day of the year. We would take months to finish processing the crop: my
parents, my whole family, my brothers and sisters,” she says. “Now within a
month, we are done.”
As the farmers
have begun to say, “the red-gold is turning to gray.” Due to ongoing regional
violence, droughts, and the still-unfolding effects of climate change on the
land, Kashmiri saffron has slowly begun to disappear. “I tried to grow apples
here on this land a decade ago,” Mir says. “But they didn’t fruit! This land is
meant only for saffron. Without it, it means nothing.”
Kashmir is a
Muslim-majority belt in the north of the Indian subcontinent, and the most
militarized region in the world. Kashmir today consists of a region that lies
on both sides of the border between India and Pakistan. Indian-administered
Kashmir is the territory within the state of Jammu and Kashmir in India, and
Pakistan-administered Kashmir consists of a region also called Azad Kashmir
along with the more remote Gilgit-Baltistan. Kashmir became the subject of war
between the two nations when the Indian subcontinent gained independence in
August 1947, and at the same time was split into two. Since 1990,
Indian-administered Kashmir has been fully occupied by the Indian armed forces
to quell pro-independence insurgencies and movements towards armed militancy.
In the ’90s, Kashmir saw a spell of intense communal violence following the
occupation, leading to the departure of Hindu Kashmiris from the region and
giving rise to a period of civil conflict and oppression that continues today.
More than 47,000
people have died in the conflict since 1989, excluding those termed as
disappeared. In mid-June 2018, the state government dissolved. According to
local news organizations, by October 2018, more than 300 people — including
army personnel, militants, and civilians — died in the valley just that year,
of which 139 have been in South Kashmir, where Pampore is located. An estimated
500,000 Indian troops remain deployed in Kashmir. In the region, the war has
inevitably become a war on the land, directly impacting the region’s
agriculture, which constitutes more than 80 percent of its livelihood and
economy.
Pampore, only 30
minutes away from Srinagar, the summer capital of the state, advertises itself
as “Saffron Town.” “Children’s shoes and saffron available here,” says a young
shop owner named Tariq Shah as I ask him where to get tea. “Or go there, vegetarian
restaurant, but with saffron,” he adds, pointing to a small shack in which rice
cookers steam by the dozen.
The process for
farming the crop begins in April, when the soil is plowed twice to allow
moisture to seep in. The corms for the saffron — which cost 50,000 rupees per
kanal, or 1/8 of an acre — are sown in August or September, and the soil is
pulverized and allowed to breathe. Following this, apart from minor tending,
nothing much can be done, except to wait. In mid-October, the plants begin to
sprout by themselves from the soil, and for a month they are picked, dried, and
sorted.
“The saffron
flower has three parts,” says Raqib Mushtaq Mir, a saffron merchant. “There’s
the flower petals — that goes in for medicine, then there’s the yellow strands,
which aren’t much use. The red strands, right in the middle, are pure saffron,
which is what we’re looking for.” A single flower produces just three red
strands; one gram of saffron is made from around 350 strands. For a kilogram of
the spice, more than 150,000 flowers are sifted and scanned, and the rarity of
the red strand can lead to shortcuts from less scrupulous merchants. “Often, in
the market,” Mushtaq Mir says, “the yellow are colored with red and mixed into
the bunch.”
In the Indian
subcontinent, saffron has many names: zafran in Urdu (from Persian), kesar in
Hindi, Kong Posh in Kashmiri, and kungumapoo in Tamil. It was popularized by
the Mughals — the Turkic kings from Central Asia that made the subcontinent
their home in the 16th century, who took saffron wherever they established
court and introduced it into their cuisine. Under the Mughals, saffron, as a
color and scent, became commonplace in the royal kitchens. It became prominent
in biryani, in which golden-colored rice stacked with meat became a favorite
meal. It was used in stews made with lamb; in breads like sheermal, a sweet,
thick flatbread dipped in saffron water that is today eaten in Lucknow, an
ex-Mughal capital in India’s North; in fruit sherbets as a cure from tiredness;
and in phirni, a rice pudding made with spices and eaten all over Delhi,
Lucknow, and other parts of India and Pakistan where the Mughals had
established rule.
“Delhi’s cooking
is residual from the whims of kings,” says Sadaf Hussain, a consultant chef to
Delhi’s Café Lota, who infuses mango with the spice to make one of the
restaurant’s most popular summer desserts. “In Kashmir, they have always
approached it as a cash crop, and used it in careful measure.”
According to
Feroz Ahmad, a Waza Kashmiri chef based in Srinagar, saffron’s presence dates
back to Kashmir in as early as the fifth century. Kashmiris infuse milk with
saffron to break fast during Ramadan; use it in modur pulao, a sweet rice dish
made with dry fruits in times of celebration; and sprinkle it on top of yogurt.
The spice is used as novelty, never in excess or in everyday cooking. Its high
value lends it exclusivity even in the region where it is grown.
During weddings
and funerals, Kashmiris eat Wazwan — a traditional meal cooked by trained chefs
that comprises more than 30 dishes. Here, as a token of specialty, saffron is
infused into the broths. “Saffron is the face of Wazwan,” Ahmad says. “The
color that it induces in different dishes is very important to the meal.” It
also appears in rogan josh, a fiery lamb dish made with Kashmiri chiles, and
lahabi kebab, pounded, spiced koftes cooked in a bright red gravy. “It is
crucial for Wazwan,” Ahmad says.
While a glimpse
of Kashmiri saffron can be seen in its cuisine, its most important presence is,
for Kashmiris, in kehwa — a slow-brewed green tea, infused with saffron and
spices like cinnamon and cardamom, garnished with almonds, and sweetened with
sugar or honey. Kehwa is consumed through the valley; deep golden, it is an ode
to local saffron, its color and the fragrance it brings.
“People want
things to look like saffron; it is not just an ingredient, it is also a concept
in Indian cuisine,” Hussain says. “Often, to replicate the golden-orange hue,
people will use turmeric and water. But real saffron is a red-gold. There’s
nothing else like it.”
“I’d like to use
it, of course,” says Ghulam Ahmad Sofi, a renowned baker in Pampore who bakes
some of Kashmir’s best breads. “But who would account for its cost? I can’t use
a fake, either: These are the saffron people, and they know what it looks like,
what it smells like.
“It’s not food,
it’s a feeling,” he adds. “It’s no surprise to me that it’s more expensive in
weight than gold.”
While saffron
has an overarching emotional presence in Kashmir and the rest of the Indian
subcontinent, its struggles are mostly ecological: drought and lack of
irrigation. In previous years, farmers could count on the winter snow seeping
into the soil through spring and summer, keeping it moist despite the region’s
strong sun. But climate change in the valley has led to scarce rainfall and
snowfall, leading the soil to become dry and unsuited for the crop.
In 1997, more
than 5,700 hectares of land were cultivated for saffron, according to the Jammu
and Kashmir Agriculture Department, producing just under 16 metric tonnes. Due
to a severe drought, the early 2000s saw a dip in saffron production, falling
to as low as 0.3 metric tonnes in 2001. The next 13 years would see an average
of 8.71 metric tonnes yield, even despite flooding in 2012 that brought with it
great damage, washing nutrients away from the land.
“One saffron
bulb can keep producing flowers for 15 days if it is healthy,” says Hilal Ahmad
Magray, a farmer based in Lethipora, seven kilometers away from Pampore. But
“the floods damaged the quality of crop, and the drought damaged the quality of
the soil. Saffron requires a very precise constituency (called karewa), a moist
soil rich in humus content. Now a lot of bulbs that erupt are unfit for
producing flowers, or diseased.”
In 2015, the
crop totaled 9.6 metric tons of saffron, from 3,674 hectares of land. In 2016
and 2017, while the exact numbers haven’t been calculated, farmers and scholars
both tell me that the output fell to less than 10 percent of 2015’s numbers.
Magray, who’s in
his 30s, is one of the region’s few farmers to take complete control of his
father’s lands. “Saffron is always organic,” he says. “Saffron cannot be
extracted from the soil on whim. When saffron is pure, it is saffron. When it
is impure — it is something else.” Under his brand, Zamindar Saffron, he sells
the harvest from his land, in addition to lentils, walnuts, chiles, and jams.
Like some others, Magray has realized that exclusively trading in saffron is
not a lucrative business, and that the spice can be used as an anchor to deal
in other products.
In 2010, the
central government set up the National Saffron Mission to revive saffron
production in Kashmir. The objective behind the mission, with a budget of 4.1
billion rupees (or $57 million USD), was to reconcile Kashmiri farmers with the
changing nature of their job. The goals were manifold: to provide irrigation
facilities in the form of sprinklers and taps, to increase the quality of the
seed sown for crop, to conduct research to further productivity, and to educate
farmers about new methods.
To combat the
changing environment, 108 borewells — made by drilling inside the ground to
store rainwater — were built. But only eight out of the envisioned 128
sprinklers were set up, and most are not in use: Advocates say local farmers,
who have long relied on age-old techniques, have not been adequately educated
about the changing conditions, or the methods for the betterment of their crop.
“God built these lands, so water must come from [them], too,” says Noor
Mohammad, a farmer based in Lethipora. Mohammad’s skepticism toward the
borewell project is a common one: Many farmers believe in the religious
sanctity of their lands, seeing the newer technologies as an unwelcome force.
“This land is sacred,” he says. “These pipes are an intrusion to the divine.”
“An important
thing to know is that the saffron farming industry is not one that is
accustomed to poverty,” Magray says. “The farmers believe that the land has
always given, and so it will.”
Because of its
low yield, land once used to grow saffron has become less valuable. Villagers
and farmers both have begun to abandon their lands, an act that cannot be
detached from the Indian military’s control of one of the subcontinent’s most
fertile spaces: surveillance, encounter killings, and oppressive force by the
armed forces on Kashmiris have become usual occurrences. The Armed Forces
Special Powers Act, granted to the military in 1990, allows it to search,
arrest, use force, and even fire upon those they suspect of armed rebellion,
which has led to distrust of the government.
“Agriculture
needs young people, needs motivation, [and] no one wants to go out to be
confronted by a group of men holding guns,” says Umer Sami, an aspiring Pampore
entrepreneur who wants to boost the presence of Kashmiri saffron in the online
marketplace. “Young men have either begun to take up arms and stones against
the struggle, or just stay home. Think about it — in your 20s, you live in one
of the most violent places in the world. Would you do something that ties you
to its land, or something that gets you out?”
Despite the
violence and struggles, more than 20,000 families are associated with the
saffron economy in Kashmir today. But Iranian saffron has also begun to enter
India through what the farmers call “secondhand channels,” and because of its
lower price, it is packaged and sold as Kashmiri saffron. Though high in
novelty, the spice is in no position to compete with its Iranian counterpart.
“The flavor of
the saffron is distinct,” says Mahbir Thukral, the U.K.-based head of Mahbir
Premium Indian Saffron, a startup that sells the spice abroad. “While everyone
is aware of its beauty, little is being done to further the ingenuity of the
spice.”
Mahbir also
creates artisanal products infused with the spice — like dark and milk
chocolate and an award-winning orange marmalade. Recently, he launched his
first savory products: a honey mustard and whole-grain mustard infused with the
spice. Mahbir Premium Indian Saffron works in collaboration with a local
cooperative to keep their market steady and eliminate the middlemen in the
process.
“Many people
only know Kashmir because of its border conflict, and domestically, they
consider it a troubled state,” Mahbir says. “By working with the farmers
directly, I wanted to do my bit to help them transform from an Indian business
to an international one. ... This is our way to show the great things Kashmir
can produce, and why it’s worth making a trip there when visiting India.”
In Pampore, too,
some locals like Raqib and Umer are looking to start push saffron through the
internet. “What Kashmir are we fighting for if not for the land?” says Umer, as
he walks proudly through the farms. “We have to think ahead.”
Saffron requires
enterprise and extensive support from the state, but also a loosening of
military control and a reinstallation of pride in the lands. While the first
two are tangible goals that can be achieved with effort, a free, peaceful
atmosphere for prosperity seems out of reach.
On my last day
in Pampore, when I return to Fehmida Mir’s home for tea, her mother calls me to
the kitchen as she brews kehwa in a samovar, or a large copper teapot. “Look at
this,” she says as she introduces three red strands of saffron into a cup of water.
“Now it will turn to gold.”
As we wait for
the saffron to color the water a deep reddish golden, neighbors start streaming
in to surround themselves with the fragrance of the tea. The smell of the spice
is invigorating, the color of it irreplaceable, the fuss is not misplaced.
“Before, we were
poor and the lands prosperous,” says Fehmida’s mother, as we wait for tea. “Now
we prosper, and the lands are poor. It’s time to give up on them, I tell my
daughter it is time to let them go.”
“That’s easy for
you to say,” yells Fehmida from her room. “You’ve lived with them your whole
life.”
“If they go,
we’ve got nothing else,” says Fehmida’s mother. “If they go, I go too.”
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