Vijay Kolinjivadi & Asmaa Ashraf
Editor’s Note: The following is the fourth in a series of articles
co-published by Mondoweiss and the Transnational Institute that places
Palestine in the long trajectory of anti-colonial struggles, from Haiti to
Vietnam to Algeria and South Africa.
Gaza is
currently experiencing the largest slaughter of men, women and children in
decades and a destruction rate that has produced over 40 million tonnes of
rubble that will take over a decade to clear. The near 100,000 tonnes of bombs
dropped on the Gaza Strip since October 2023
surpasses the World War II bombings of London, Dresden, and Hamburg
combined. Gaza is the site of one of the largest engineered mass starvations
this century. For over a year, a day has not passed by in which a child has not
been dismembered by the US-backed Israeli army. Gaza has seen its hospitals,
universities, markets, and essential services blown to pieces, and its
waterways, air, and soils polluted to highly toxic levels by chemical residues
from carpet-bombing. The destructive force with which the Gaza Strip has been
bombarded is equivalent to several times that of the nuclear bomb that the
United States dropped on Hiroshima. And yet, the tens of thousands of
Palestinian children dying due to mutilation and incineration, and from
infection resulting from amputation, count for absolutely nothing in the eyes
of the West, in stark contrast to how it reacts when an Israeli is held
hostage, or an ultra-wealthy American is trapped in an undersea submersible on
a pleasure trip to view the Titanic. It is breathtakingly clear that
Palestinian lives do not matter to Imperial powers and their interests.
The complete
dismissal of entire populations as sub-human, or not equivalent to European or
Euro-American bodies, is a stark reminder that the horrors of the transatlantic
slave trade and colonial genocide of indigenous populations by Western empires
have never left us. It is also a frightening reflection of the priorities of
the world’s rulers as we watch the planet’s life-support systems erode due to
ecological collapse. The ruling class’s desire to preserve a liberal democratic
society that is free from ecological breakdown extends only to a future
reserved for themselves – an ever-decreasing minority of multi-millionaires and
billionaires. Meanwhile, what we are witnessing in Gaza is a sign of what is to
come in an era of growing ecological breakdown brought on by a capitalist world
order that is no longer fit for purpose – if it ever was. As Colombian
president Gustavo Petro declared at the COP28 climate conference in Dubai last
year: “Gaza is the mirror of our immediate future”.
The word
genocide is woefully insufficient to describe the deliberately engineered
annihilation of people and of the ecological relations that sustain their life.
What we are witnessing in Palestine is the monstrous intent to do away with an
entire people and a whole environment in order to consolidate US-led imperial
interests in the face of anti-colonial resistance, and to capitalise on oil and
gas projects and “waterfront property” on Gaza’s shore. With a rising
mobilisation of demonic far-right factions and a general shift towards
authoritarian capitalism around the world, the future might very well see more
such instances of the annihilation of the social and ecological fabric of
places, in a last ditch effort to continue to extract profit and to remove
“surplus populations” – but with less of a liberal and progressive pretence
regarding morals, human rights, and “win win” solutions. These acts of
annihilation will instead be framed as situations in which “civilised” victors
conquer barbarian “bad guys” (in the words of erstwhile US Democratic
vice-president candidate Tim Walz) – dehumanising innocent populations whose
sacrifice will be deemed necessary in order to maintain a dying and utterly
catastrophic world order.
In this essay,
we explain why the combined ecocide and genocide in Gaza is an expression of
eco-apartheid – a violent racialising phenomenon that advances the colonial
frontier of land occupation and resource plunder to funnel wealth to a
privileged few at the expense of the vast majority of people. Within the racial
imperialist order of eco-apartheid, the destruction of the “wretched of the
earth”, of brown, black, and Indigenous people, and the erasure of their
environments, cultures, and knowledges, is seen as completely banal, a system
that functions as it is supposed to. It is for this reason that genocide and
ecocide should be considered two sides of the same coin. Both are defined by an
attempted annihilation of an entire people and the living environments they are
a part of. Climate change is the outcome of centuries of colonial occupation
and exploitation of racialised people and their lands as “resources”. What
distinguishes genocide from ecocide is the pace of the murdering – fast in some
places, slower in others.
The process of
funnelling wealth to a handful of people involves the creation of both
geopolitical and geophysical sacrifice zones of varying severity. These
sacrifice zones can occur both in the Global South and in the heartlands of the
empire. For instance, while working class Americans in parts of North Carolina
received no more than $750 in relief funds after the destruction caused by
Hurricane Helene, which was super-charged by climate change, the US government
has given over $22.7 billion in aid to Israel to bomb Gaza and Lebanon (equal
to over $2,300 per Israeli citizen) since 7 October 2023.
While the
consequences of the ecocide-genocide nexus are deadly for humanity, we argue in
this essay that eco-apartheid is necessary in order to maintain the capitalist
imperialist system for decades to come, and to secure a white supremacist
settler future. In this future, the niceties of a liberal rules-based order
will be done away with: the myths of multilateralism, multiculturalism, international law and human rights will no
longer be expedient for the ruling class in the face of overwhelming economic
and ecological contradictions. As Nesrine Malik writes, the unfathomable
assault on Gaza without moving a hair on the head of Western political leaders
is an indication that our world is still one where might is right. The “look
the other way” attitude of Western powers who are actively supporting and
encouraging the genocide of Gazans, and the orchestrated silencing of voices in
opposition, foreshadow the coming normalisation and collective gaslighting of
unimaginable violence as climate catastrophe continues unfolding.
In the following
sections we highlight some facets of the regime of eco-apartheid, in which
increasing numbers of people are dehumanised and deliberately cast out to face
the wrath of climate change and social precarity, including through violent
military occupation. At the same time, the elite will continue to deflect
responsibility and shield themselves through so-called “sustainability”-branded
living. In preparing this essay, we talked with anti-imperialist land defenders
and community organisers who offered advice on building the power needed to
organise and fight in an historical moment in which dependence on existing
institutions is glaringly futile.
Palestine in the
world ecology
The Zionist
project is but a modern iteration of the West’s savage settler colonial
history. Starting from the British Balfour declaration and violent repression
of the 1936–1939 Great Arab Revolt, to France’s heavy arms supply in the
mid-twentieth century, and now the United States’ unceasing military aid,
Israel has always been viewed as the central bulwark for imperialist domination
in the region. It is considered an outpost of Europe’s civilising mission among
the “backwards” Arabs and their arid landscapes, and the antidote to
expressions of Arab self-determination and progressive Arab movements.
Like the British
empire before it, which legitimised and facilitated the Zionist project, the US
empire is not interested in democracy, human rights, or fighting anti-Semitism.
These, like marketable “sustainability”, are merely convenient narratives that
serve to leverage social concerns for the purposes of re-branding the US empire’s military and economic
projects. The intent of these projects is to subdue territories and people and
push them into circuits of accumulation around labour, land, and new forms of
debt. As a consequence, already wealthy people maintain and enhance their
water- and energy-intensive lifestyles through eco-modernist automation that is
branded as climate-resilient. In essence, ecomodernist lifestyles are nothing
but the top 10% making a killing (literally and metaphorically) on their
investments. The colonial quest for resources also gives the white supremacist
coloniser exalted status, especially when it is Arabs, Muslims, and
lower-income brown or black people who suffer – upon the whims of Western
interests whether in Haiti, Lebanon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Cuba, Sudan, or domestically within the United States or other Western
countries.
Israel is the
most important outpost of the US empire, not because of inter-religious
conflicts or the influence of the “pro-Zionist lobby” in North America and
Western Europe, but because of the Middle East’s central position in the
capitalist world system. After the 1967 war with Nasser’s Egypt, in which
Israel proved itself as a dependable partner of US imperialism, the US assumed
the position of the primary sponsor of the Zionist regime, supplying arms and
financial support to the settler state. The US’s interests in the region focus
on the fossil fuel oil economy and guaranteeing the stable supply of oil,
within the US hegemonic global order. This involves a vicious positive feedback
cycle, in which petrodollars beget more petrodollars, by way of military
campaigns, resource exploitation, wars and ecocide. Only Israel, with its
strategically situated settler population, vulnerable borders, militarised
society and repressive forces can be wholly relied upon by the US to help
entrench the US-based order in the region.
The Zionist
lobby’s brandishing of anti-Semitism as a geopolitical moral weapon does play a
role in propping up Israel and its exalted status for US interests. Meanwhile,
the extreme-right Zionist entity is also entirely dependent on the US for
survival: financially, militarily, and politically. In fact, Israel’s survival
is key to the survival of the global capitalist order, which is based on US
imperialism and Western European hegemony.
A threat to Israel is therefore a threat to US imperial domination. It
is only through this dialectic that we can understand both the unconditional
support afforded to Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the absolute normalisation of
genocide in Western society. It also explains the scale of the tyranny and
holocaust perpetrated by Israel in response to Palestinian acts of resistance:
a holocaust that is rationalised and rebranded as “routine” or as constituting
a series of “limited ground operations”.
Palestinian
resistance is the stone lodged in the throat of US imperialism. Well before
October 2023, outgoing US President Joe Biden’s Middle East strategy had been
very clear: normalising ties between Israel and Saudi Arabia, opening new
formal investment markets in the region, and further stabilising imperial
relations. With a Saudi–Israeli normalisation deal on the cusp of being
announced as winter 2023 approached, the question of Palestinian national
sovereignty was brought back into sharp relief through popular resistance. And
so, we must remember that the US-backed Israeli obliteration of Gaza is not
simply a way to open up new real estate markets or to seize land for capital.
Palestine, Lebanon and Yemen are being punished for their role in thwarting
uneven capital accumulation and value drain from the Middle East. The
Palestinian resistance is currently articulating the clearest expression of
anti-colonial dissent, of a national liberation movement that refuses to have
its humanity cancelled, and its populations erased and sacrificed for the
imperial core.
This scale of
Israel’s annihilation of Gaza, where the social, ecological and political
fabrics are torn apart by megatons of military arsenal that leave limbs
scattered will become increasingly commonplace as crises of global capital
accumulation intensify, under the stresses of an altered climate, severe
geopolitical tensions, and social and economic inequality. The bulldozers
devastating Gaza’s ecology are no different from the bulldozers that rip apart
primary rainforests for agri-business expansion, precipitating the sixth mass
extinction. The artificial intelligence (AI) technologies that refine weapons
used to murder civilians in Gaza’s hospitals and schools are the very same AI
technologies that require new energy sources like coal, oil and gas, renewable,
and even nuclear power. This appetite for energy of Big Tech overlords like
OpenAI, Microsoft, Alphabet, and Meta, among others, not only cancels out
environmental gains from renewable energy use, but also reinforces ecologically
devastating extractive practices and toxic waste dumps on communities of people
considered unworthy and sub-human elsewhere. What we are witnessing is a
vicious cycle of genocidal and ecocidal violence.
In his speech at
the COP28 summit in Dubai, Colombian president Gustavo Petro stated:
“The unleashing of genocide and
barbarism on the Palestinian people is
what awaits the exodus of the peoples of the South unleashed by the climate
crisis.”
Those who
dissent in the North will be gaslit and repressed. Those who organise to resist
in the South will be met with violence and barbarism. The history of modern
Western civilisation has been one of savage colonisation, dispossession,
enslavement, and genocide, but this fact has been obscured by recourse to high
morality. This brutality characterised the Euro-American colonisation of the
“New World” from the period in which European settlers killed over 55 million
Indigenous people in North, Central and South America over a 100-year span, to
the “civilising period” of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, during which
the West carried out the most brutal and savage mutilation and extermination
campaigns across the world under the banner of modernity and development –
including within its own borders. Brutality has also characterised the
twentieth century and early twenty-first century, an era marked by the wars
waged by US imperialism, involving the brutalisation of populations in Vietnam,
Angola, Iraq and Afghanistan and US support for tyrannical proxy leaders in
places like Chile, Argentina, and Indonesia – just to name a few. These
massacres across the last several centuries are not footnotes or case studies:
entire life-worlds were exterminated for the survival of the colonial order. In
short, they are fundamental to understanding the ecological crises we are
experiencing today. They show us that, though all civilisations throughout
history have had their wars and conflicts, only the white supremacist
Euro-American empire, with its racialising technologies, has so sharply
perfected a social and ecological infrastructure premised upon genocide and
ecocide. While the massacres in Gaza and Lebanon have shaken the sleeping
conscience of the masses, they are an unsurprising and highly consistent
reflection of the West’s moral character as demonstrated over the past 500
years.
For the ruling
class, climate change just means more bodies to sacrifice
What then is new
in our current conjuncture? What characterises this renewed era of US
imperialism that we have entered? The answer is the abandonment of even the
most modest pretences to a rules-based international order: a situation in
which the rules apply to everyone except
the colonial powers that have inflicted 500 years of violence on the planet and
its people, and whose modus operandi of
fragmenting humanity to extract labour and resources is based on the idea of
white supremacy. Historian Enzo Traverso argues that this state of exception
for the colonising powers is an implicit
admission of immorality. It implies the selective transgression of laws, in
which all civil liberties and freedoms, as well as basic rules of law and
order, can be dismantled in the name of safeguarding the future of the empire
as it counteracts its own decline.
The implications
of this selective exercising of immorality is absolutely terrifying in an era
in which the earth’s life-support systems are at risk of crumbling due to
ecological collapse. And therein lies
the key to understanding eco-apartheid, as we witness the horrors unfold in
Gaza. Long gone is the era of Western
claims to humanity, sustainability and civil rights (if they were ever valid):
instead we see an acknowledgement that those rights only belong to a few, and
that the “other” must be sacrificed to save this dying order.
Gustavo Petro
and others who have drawn parallels between the ongoing genocide in Gaza and an
unfolding global system of “eco-apartheid” are not making a simplistic
comparison. The summer of 2024 saw unprecedented global heat records, crossing
the 50°C mark in large parts of the Global South, including Egypt and Mexico.
Floods and fires have ravaged vast portions of the world, including in the
heart of the empire in the US South, disproportionately harming those
racialised, as well as white working class, people whose lifetimes of labour
have been exploited with little in the way of compensation or safety nets. A
world in which large amounts of people are
displaced by climate change
is not a distant hypothetical but is our “immediate future” (in the
words of Gustavo Petro) if fossil fuel production continues unabated, as per
the wishes of the Saudi energy minister, who has promised that “every molecule
of hydrocarbon will come out”. The scale of exodus of people as a result of
extreme heat, droughts, and famine has led some scientists to raise the clarion
call between social and ecological breakdown (Xu et al., 2020). These
climate-displaced people are already being met with anti-immigration laws by an
emboldened right-wing agenda across the world, from Turkey to India, and from
the Philippines to the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European
Union. These laws are materially enacted via militarised borders that are
designed to kill, let drown, let starve, and then scapegoat migrants and refugees
for all the ills of capitalism.
The violence of
this immediate future is already underway, and is increasingly being
legitimised by discourses that frame climate change as a matter of national
security. As Western nations continue to fortify their borders against migrants
and climate refugees, they simultaneously continue to exceed their fair share
of the carbon budget. If the global carbon budget were to be divided equally
among the global population, then the United States, considering its
historically high per capita emissions, would have exceeded its fair share by a
factor of 4 to 10 (Fanning and Hickel, 2023). Meanwhile, the poor nations of
the Global South will likely never even reach 100% of their national carbon
budgets. Yet it is upon their bodies that the most barbaric impacts of climate
change and scarcity-imposed ecological policies will be felt.
No population,
rich or poor, chooses refugeehood over sovereignty and autonomy over their
lands, their culture, and their way of knowing the world. The pressure to leave
one’s home due to war, forced dispossession during agricultural land grabs or
mining projects, or other climate-induced crises is a condition forced upon
those viewed by the colonial powers as “surplus populations” of the world. They
are trapped within sacrifice zones and super-exploited as a reserve army labour
(if they are lucky). But when colonised nations form a front of anti-colonial
resistance, when they attempt to delink their economies from the imperialist
world system, when they express their right to resist the exploitation of their
labour and natural resources, the West “is ready to respond with death” as
Gustavo Petro stated. We see this in Palestine, across Abya Yala, in Lebanon, in Iran, and throughout the
African continent, where national liberation struggles are demonised and
undermined. In the case of Palestine, resistance has been met with more than a
year of carpet-bombing.
A nail in the
coffin of Western “morality”
In January 2024,
the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued a provisional ruling ordering
Israel to take measures to “prevent acts of genocide” after a robust case had
been put forward by South Africa. Almost one year on, the ruling has become a
symbol of the subordination of all institutions of multilateral governance to
the interests and will of the United States. It has demonstrated their abject
failure as instruments of global democracy. The United Nations’ position and
efforts amidst the genocide have been woefully insufficient at best. Fifty
eight days after the indiscriminate slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza began,
Antonio Guterres, the Secretary General of the UN, invoked Article 99 – a tool
that has not been used since 1989 – to call a meeting of the Security Council
“to avert a humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza”. Notably, Gutierres continued to
frame the situation as a humanitarian catastrophe, rather than a deliberate
genocide by a Western-backed occupying force against a native population. Since
October 2023, the United States has vetoed four ceasefire resolutions at the UN
security council. The first two of these actually fell short of calling for a
full ceasefire and simply called for pauses in the fighting to deliver
humanitarian aid. The ability of a single state, due to its military and
economic hegemony, to veto ceasefire resolutions that aim to – at least
symbolically – condemn an ongoing genocide demonstrates clearly the utter
impotence of the UN, and, by extension, shows the categorical failure of
multilateralism in a world system defined by US-led imperialism.
Even starker is
the way in which UN General Assembly Resolution No. 3103 of 1973, regarding
people’s right to resist occupation and oppression, is ignored and denied.
After 76 years of occupation, ethnic cleansing, and dehumanising and sustained
conditions of violent apartheid, Palestinians are expected to be docile and
subservient in the face of their oppressors. Similar to the expectation that
those living in deprived ghettos and subjected to religious or racialised
pogroms, or those forced onto slave ships or reservations, plantations, or
concentration camps, should never aspire to overcome the shackles of their
oppression, Palestinians are expected to surrender to the “mission
civilisatrice” and accept their fate as “human animal” barbarians. In May 2024,
the Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court filed applications for
arrest warrants for both Hamas leaders and Israeli war criminals Benjamin
Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant. The equivalence inherent in comparing Israeli
colonial violence with Palestinian resistance to decades of ethnic cleansing,
apartheid, repeated bombings, land grabs, water restrictions, and murders with
impunity invokes a false sense that the law is neutral. It completely masks the
scale of continuous death and terror that the Zionist state has imposed on
Palestinians since – and even before – 1948. And yet, even this attempt at
false neutrality, with all its unspeakable flaws, has failed to lead to the
arrest of the Israeli war criminals (as at the time of writing, the Court has
not issued arrest warrants for them).
The brutal
slaughter of tens of thousands of people in the course of a year, in what is
the most televised and recorded genocide in human history, is simply seen as
the cost of doing business as regards maintaining the terrorising regime of US
and Western European-sponsored apartheid, ecological devastation, and genocide,
represented by the state of Israel. The combined normalisation of genocide and
the criminalisation of protestors in universities and institutions around the
world demanding divestment from the genocidal war machine renders null and void
any redeeming effect of Western societies’ action on other moral and social
causes – whether relating to human rights, justice, feminism, sustainability,
or equality. In other words, it is impossible to make claims regarding
supporting diversity, equity or inclusion when you are developing AI technology
that enables snipers to more accurately target the bodies of children and when
you are shipping weapons to murder 100 Palestinians a day. The false conflation
of criticism of a state’s policy with criticism of a people or a religion,
amplified by the instrumentalisation of
the historic pain and trauma of Jewish people as a result of the Western
European Holocaust to permit genocide in Palestine, are grotesque tactics of
manipulation that justify the utterly demonic pretense that murdering
Palestinian people by the tens of thousands is somehow self defence. Meanwhile,
the white supremacists and far-right fascists in Europe and North America who
perpetuate acts of anti-Semitism are having a field day, having found their
perfect ambassador in the Zionist project to shield them from accusations,
while deflecting the blame on Palestinians and Palestinian supporters.
The acceptance –
and encouragement and support – of the present genocide in Gaza crucially and
painfully showcases how the untold pain and suffering from bombing schools,
hospitals, murdering children en masse, among other depravities are viewed as
badges of honour for Team America. The implications are significant. If the
depravity we are seeing in Gaza is accepted – and even glorified, including by
those who claim to be “progressive” – it
is very unlikely that the much longer and slower violence experienced by the
global majority as a result of ecological collapse and climate change will
invoke any kind of sympathy from the ruling class. Oil and gas companies, Big
Tech companies, weapons manufacturers, and real estate speculators stand to
make windfall profits from new claims and sales in and around the Gaza Strip.
It is precisely these interests that form part of the backbone of a global
economy that is trashing the planet to sell the spoils to the highest bidder.
In this context, the refusal of Western countries to accept the ICJ’s ruling on
the risk of genocide in Gaza demonstrates that nothing will stand in the way of
profit and domination – certainly not human rights, ecological breakdown and
climate catastrophe.
Gaza has
therefore driven home the eternal truth that international law and Western
morality can never be called upon to relieve our crises –political,
socio-economic or ecological. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC), its Conference of the Parties (COPs), and agreements advanced by the
major global economies, have long been framed as the sole legitimate avenues
for addressing climate change at a global level. But the era of Western claims
to democracy, multilateralism and international collaboration is over: their
complete failure to halt the slaughter of the Palestinian people, and to make
crucial links between genocide and ecocide, have terminated it. The world is
bearing witness to the myth of an international rules-based order going down in
flames, eradicated by Israel’s destruction of Gaza and in the face of the
Palestinian people’s insistence on their own humanity.
The settler
future of eco-apartheid
The annihilation
of the population of the Gaza Strip as the banal backdrop to business-as-usual
productivity and vacation plans for North Americans, Western Europeans, those
in Gulf countries, and others who profit from the Euro-American imperial order
offers a taste of what is to come in a situation of global ecological
breakdown. We have already seen this deeply blasé attitude during the Covid-19
pandemic lockdowns, when millions of poor and racialised people were
deliberately put in harm’s way both internally in Western countries and in the
Global South to provide the essential services for white and white-adjacent
middle classes and elites in order to maintain their comfortable lifestyles and
to provide them with their dream vacations in the post-pandemic period. The
planet is reeling from the impacts of the ever-accelerating global
orchestration of resource extraction and labour exploitation, aligned to
lightning-speed computer clicks, linked to machine learning that increasingly
dictates global supply chains. The Global Circularity Report 2024 highlights
that between 2016 and 2021 alone, the global economy consumed 582 billion
tonnes of materials, roughly 75% of all
the materials it had consumed in the entire 20th century (740 billion tonnes)!
Rather than tempering this gargantuan acceleration of material and energy use
to halt ecological breakdown for the benefit of humanity, the ruling classes
are framing the consequences of this completely untenable growth as multiplying
“security threats” that need managing, including movements of unskilled
migrants and asylum seekers and geopolitical invasions by the enemies of
Western imperial order. They will do anything to funnel this enormous
acceleration of material consumption to themselves at all costs.
In recent years,
climate scientists have increasingly made reference to the consolidation of
polycrisis – a conjuncture of economic and socioecological contradictions that
converge and are difficult to disentangle.
The polycrisis is being framed by the ruling class as a security risk,
in which the various threats that disrupt the status quo, and upon which
financial growth forecasts rest, are mutually amplifying each other. Together,
threats that are often understood as being “external” to economic activity, or
unintended negative consequences of growth – such as the over-exploitation of
soils and underground aquifers, extreme income inequality, zoonotic spillovers
leading to pandemics, rising sea levels, and worsening droughts, floods and
fires – are at risk of disrupting the uninterrupted operation of
business-as-usual. Yet, these consequences are never perceived as warning signs
about the system itself. Instead, they are only viewed as threats to be managed
by a political and economic order that has zero intention of modifying course
or adequately responding to its own contradictions. These include runaway
climate change associated with the illusion that growth can be decoupled from
environmental impact on a global scale, permanently rising costs of living, and
an emboldened far-right.
Yet global
ecological breakdown – ranging from a sixth mass extinction to the melting of
the Arctic permafrost, to the depletion of soil organic matter that is crucial
for food production, to the enormous changes in ocean temperature and acidity,
and of course climate change on a scale that previously took more than a
million years occurring in just a half-century – all reflect the culmination of
five centuries of funnelling resources and exploiting labour to benefit an
elite few. This ecological fallout is what scholar Farhana Sultana has termed
“climate coloniality” (Sultana, 2022).
If we can imagine 500 years of colonial conquest sucking out the
vitality from exploited human bodies for labour and from the land as extractable
resources that are transferred to a privileged few, leaving only barren land,
bones, and limbs strewn across the generated wastelands, we might imagine
climate change as an ultra-concentrated raining down in geologic time (or
perhaps vomiting up) of these consequences, burning, flooding and suffocating
those very lands and those people whose vitality was initially sucked up by
this process.
While it might
appear that the so-called “progressive” elite within the ruling class is at
odds with an emboldened far-right on how to manage this vomitous rainfall of
polycrises, the two are much closer in attitudes and approach than they might
appear to be. The ruling class defends the interests of capital and settler
colonialism, regardless of whether the outcome is authoritarian fascist or
feel-good and fuzzy branded fascism. It doesn’t care. From the perspective of
sustaining the structure of the US imperialist order, centre-moderate liberals
and the far-right alike have systematically dismantled democratic
decision-making and planning through financialisation, fuelled global
militarism and war-mongering, and empowered sociopathic billionaires to run society.
They differ only in the political branding or packaging they sell to the public
through the circus of electoral politics. The loss of Democratic candidate
Kamala Harris in the US election is the outcome of a smug and decrepit liberal
order that lauds having a “lethal” military force, incarcerating black and
immigrant children, and telling people to just accept the equivalent of
mindfulness sessions as they are robbed of affordable food and housing in a
world of ecological collapse- all while claiming to be the morally upstanding
murderer of Palestinian children. The hypocrisy has ultimately become too much
to stomach.
Both centrists
and the far-right promise populations
the ability to avoid the worst of the impacts they have created, as
perpetrators and progeny of the civilisational project that has created volumes
of unspeakable violence. Crucially, though, these promises are actually assured
only for the elite – regardless of the party in question. To ensure that the
public goes along with the idea that benefits will be for all citizens, they
are told that they need to accept certain sacrifices – including the removal of
civil liberties, shipping migrants to other countries, drilling for more oil,
controlling women’s bodies, price gauging of food, inflated real estate costs,
and accumulating debt to support commodity futures and other forms of
speculation (that generate further rounds of debt). In contrast, the very
wealthy experience none of these sacrifices.
For the ruling
class, renewable energy is an opportunity to sustain their primary business
operations. They continuously convince the public that new energy solutions are
welcome, because they provide a kind of niche top-up to ever-expanding oil and
gas extraction and because they create new marketable goods and services (i.e.
false climate solutions) like climate resilience bonds, carbon offsets, and
geoengineering technologies. Enormously water and energy-intensive machine
learning is given carte blanche in the name of economic efficiency, despite its
existential risks to the last lifelines of democracy, human rights, and
life-support systems. Similarly, the public has to accept that billions of
dollars of investment in militarisation is needed to “counter terrorism”, while
private security and more funds to the police are needed to “remove criminal
agents” – a category which can be extended to anyone opposed to the murder of
surplus populations and who stands in the way of eco-tourism resorts, international
airports, and waterfront property.
One of the most
perverse responses to the polycrises facing the planet is the intersection
between the “green” and “sustainability” discourse and the expansion of settler
colonial and resource imperialism around the world. By window-dressing the genocidal erasure of
populations through, for example, new solar panels, eco-tourism resorts that
allow visitors to get closer to wildlife, wind turbines, and “climate-smart”
buildings (which are essentially surveillance experiments), those with the
blood of empire on their hands get to present themselves as lovers and
protectors of the natural world. In actual fact, their sanitised “ecologies”
are real aspirations – it is just that they are not meant for ordinary people.
Indeed, ordinary people are to be forcibly removed, left to deal with
increasingly ferocious hurricanes, excruciating droughts and crop failures,
burned up in wildfires (just as the children of Gaza are burned to death by
Israel), or made to work outside in temperatures rarely seen on this planet (among
other forms of torture). In short, they are discardable, burnable, drown-able,
and bomb-able – whether resulting from climate change or white phosphorus
munitions – as part of the process of erasing populations to make way for
“green” and “climate-smart” real estate or for other speculative land grabs.
Sanitised
“ecologies” that discard unwanted people and nature are nothing new. Heavily
fortified white spaces in cities across the United States were built on the
backs of black, brown, and Indigenous urban labour, while systematically
denying those labourers a living wage, a say in public affairs, and control of
land. As black abolitionist scholars Ashanté Reese and Symone Johnson write,
the resources that could have provided public services, decent schools, food,
transport, and housing for these people were re-routed to inflated police
budgets and prisons institutionally designed to surveil and oppress black
bodies (Reese and Johnson, 2022). Elsewhere, as The Red Nation, a coalition of
Native and non-Native activists, educators, students, and community organisers
describes, whole countries, like so-called Canada, were brought into being by
invading and occupying the land of Indigenous nations, who were then forced to
give up their languages and knowledges through brutal residential schooling,
until the racialised “Indian” in them was erased and made palatable to the
Euro-American coloniser – with
disastrous effects (The Red Nation, 2021). Apartheid, in the United States,
South Africa, Israel, and elsewhere, created and continues to entrench a
legalised institutional order of segregation that privilege certain people,
based on racial or other ethnic and religious lines of perceived purity, over
others – who were deliberately subjected to physical and psychological oppression,
violation, and exploitation.
Eco-apartheid leverages imaginaries like “sustainability”
and “eco-friendliness” to buttress the future of a minority, while
institutionalising a legal, political, and economic structure built around the
idea of “national security”. It does this in the face of the collapse of
life-support systems on earth, with the aim of deliberately casting out
unwanted people and nature, or putting them directly in harm’s way. As
political ecologist Kai Heron writes, eco-apartheid makes it permissible for
certain people to die “so that
capitalism may live” (Heron, 2024). It
feigns innocence by taking actions that are discursively framed as “difficult
decisions” that need to be taken in order to secure society from threats that
are of its own making.
Eco-apartheid
mimics the enclosure of unwanted people through ghettos, townships, plantation
plots, or reservations that reflect the legacies of colonialism, racial
capitalism, and genocide of Indigenous peoples. However, what is specific about
eco-apartheid is that it leverages imaginaries of “nature” – like conservation,
tree planting, solar and wind energy, and electrification – as status symbols
to funnel the remaining food, water, transport, and other resources to a few,
while depending on climate and ecological disasters and war to manage surplus
populations. Together, this form of apartheid, which separates the ruling class
who live in elite enclaves from the vast majority of the population, in the
face of increasing climate dislocations, is framed in terms of national
security interests – it is said to be in “everyone’s best interests.” Gaza, as
a site of anti-colonial struggle that has ruptured and exposed the enduring
violence of racial capitalism, brings into sharp relief the extent to which so-called
progressives in the West who espouse concepts like equity, human rights,
sustainability, and diversity, normalise mass slaughter when the systems that
uphold their privileges are at risk. There is no limit to the kinds of violence
that are possible when language and cultural moves to innocence fail to secure
strategic geopolitical interests.
Greenwashing,
gaslighting, and repression
As new forms of
class fragmentation separate the worthy from the unworthy, middle class people
will need to obtain sufficient access to capital (both financial and social) to
avoid falling into the category of disposable: for example, white working class
workers, and especially brown and black migrant workers, whose main “value” for
capital is the cheapness of their labour. In a world of growing inequality and
ecological fallout, maintaining the status quo will require ever more
fantastical illusions of “sustainability”, to justify the genocide-ecocide
nexus. These illusions will continue to maintain “peace of mind” for those
living in “climate-resilient” condos in luxury zones, characterised by lush
greenery, retail and commerce establishments, and 24-hour private security. The
gap between these fantastical dystopias of “sustainable” lifestyles and the
miserable lived experience of the vast majority of humanity will require absurd
levels of myth-making about the planet we all live on.
The upcoming
host of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Conference of the Parties
(COP29) in Azerbaijan, for instance, is allowing delegations and the private
sector to tour its “liberated” territory in the recently ethnically-cleansed
Nagorno-Karabakh region for new speculative renewable energy projects. It is an
exemplar of the ecocide-genocide nexus that is unfolding, in which “green” and
environmental discourse is co-opted from the bodies of undesirable people and
their natural environments viewed as unsuitable for capital investment in
(greenwashed) oil and gas exploration. If the UN’s Sustainable Development
Goals (SDGs) can be met by ethnic cleansing compensated by attractive
investments of solar panel farms and eco-tourism resorts, there is something
rotten at the core of what sustainability has come to mean.
Another example
of these absurd myths of sustainability is Netanyahu’s vision for Gaza laid out
in a 3-step plan to be achieved by year 2035. The plan aims to “green” death
and destruction with what Ognian Kassabov calls an “urban dystopia built on
mass graves”: a futuristic free-trade zone with public relations focusing on
sustainability and modern civilisation. As upwards of 1 billion people face
climate disaster, famine, rising storms and deadly heat waves, making vast
areas of the planet unliveable, such projects, marked by gross negligence as
regards the rest of humanity, as well as glaring contradictions, will continue
to trample the earth to dust with complete impunity. With all possibilities for
aspiration and social mobility defunct, these dystopias built on mass graves
will continue to be violently defended, with militarised border walls that
serve to fence off the unwanted and preserve the interests of the
ultra-wealthy. The ruling class do not believe that their charade of
maintaining and growing their power amidst ecological collapse is going to end
anytime soon. Their aim is maximising profits even as the planet burns. But in
a context of declining birth rates, increased migration, and serious climatic
effects that are creating chokepoints in supply chains, they remain anxious
about certain wild cards: increasing labour shortages, declining labour
productivity, and the closure of avenues for investing their liquid capital.
They are compensating by rushing to grab vast areas of potential agricultural
land, mineral deposits, fossil fuels, and other so-called critical resources.
As soils are eroded, prime agricultural land is destroyed in fires and floods,
and populations are displaced by war and climate disasters, new rounds of
resource imperialism await. The ruling classes need “excuses” to justify these
resource incursions. Such excuses are frequently found in geopolitical
narratives of security – security against those who resist the continuous
incursions – and in strategic normalisation, in which “peace” is defined as
obedience to capital. The Arab Gulf States provide an example of this, in their
relationship with Israel. Thus, in an eco-apartheid future, the notions of
“national security” and “climate emergency” will be deployed to justify a race
to the bottom, in a mad dash to accumulate geopolitical power through the
extraction of “green” minerals for low-carbon technologies.
One casualty of
this deployment of national security threats will be what is left of democratic
spaces in society. As the unwanted (asylum seekers, Indigenous peoples,
pastoralist communities, smallholder farmers, forest-dwelling communities, and
working class people in their billions) are ghettoised, bussed away, or simply
murdered, those still left to criticise this violent spectacle will also be
treated as a security risk. And as they continue to protest, the spaces for
dissent will be sanitised through “inclusive dialogues” that are blind to the
power dynamics between oppressor and oppressed. The perpetrators of crimes will
continue to be cast as victims, or at best “stakeholders.”
The second Nakba
we are witnessing in Gaza demonstrates just how extreme gaslighting can be:
journalists and human rights defenders who painstakingly document the
unthinkable violence taking place are either disregarded by the ruling classes,
or blamed as part of the problem, and even killed. The strategy is to “shoot
the messenger.” Hundreds of thousands of ordinary citizens who stand up against
Israel’s blatant disregard for international law and order are rebranded as
anti-nationals or terrorists, and as creating “unsafe” environments on
campuses, while their administrations continue to invest in murdering innocent
people and hiring private security guards to wield batons and target students
with tear gas. In the eco-apartheid world in the making, “freedom of speech” is
only reserved for those who defend the empire, not for those who voice their
dissent against it.
In short, the
eco-apartheid world is one that has no room for morality. It involves grotesque
justifications for the dehumanisation of vast portions of humanity so that the
ruling classes can proclaim they are serving the public interest by defending
against national security threats they are wholly responsible for generating.
Security and the creation of public “safe spaces” are the excuses used to
justify their horrendous crimes while they double down to ensure the world is
liveable only for a privileged minority.
Ecological
strategy in an eco-apartheid world
The televised
genocide in Gaza is intended as a subconscious lesson from the ruling classes
to all oppressed people around the world, warning them that their resistance to
eco-apartheid will be met with a military onslaught that has been in
preparation for many years. This departure from any policy of reconciliation
has immense implications that social movements have not yet comprehended.
Nevertheless, one thing is clear: it should only strengthen our resolve to
build both a strategic and expansive resistance. This means that while we
uplift the anti-colonial fronts fighting against military and economic
imperialism in the Global South, and the South-South solidarities now emerging
in our increasingly multipolar world, we must also fortify the ability of people
on the ground to resist. We also have an important battle to wage in the
imperial core against capitalist imperialism, via our social movements and
organisations. These are already in motion; we need to strengthen and make
connections between them. In the paragraphs below, we discuss some of the
ideological obstacles facing our movements, and what a united ecological
strategy against eco-apartheid might look like.
Amidst this
genocide, as the bodies of Palestinian martyrs have piled up, the Western
climate movement has continued to focus its advocacy on the impact of the
Israeli aggression on the natural world: the loss of olive trees in Palestine,
the carbon emissions of the bombs, the disruption to non-human life. Even when
extending solidarity to anti-colonial struggles, the climate movement tends to
consider violence against the natural world as somehow separate from violence
against humanity. This is climate reductionism because it sees the crisis as
the loss of natural life in itself, rather than a crisis that results from the
loss of the socio-ecological fabric that sustains human and non-human life, in
Palestine and elsewhere, and which amounts to both ecocide and genocide.
What should the
climate movement do differently? Firstly, it must entirely abandon reductionist
approaches to the ecological crisis that reduce it to the issues of carbon
emissions and impacts on the natural world. Climate reductionism is often
manifested in the hierarchisation of urgent struggles, with climate change at
the top. Not only does this approach separate the ecological crisis from its
political-historical drivers, it also suggests that the extreme weather events
brought on by climate change will be felt purely in an environmental sense,
unrelated to gendered, racialized, and classed stratifications or how climate
change effects will be leveraged by far-right groups to victimise themselves
and enact new forms of violence on already marginalised groups (Seymour, 2024).
“Climate justice” organisations too often only identify themselves with a
narrowing niche of struggles related to matters having to do with the natural
world. The false distinction made between
“nature” and “people” is a continuation of colonial and settler
environmentalism, in which people and unwanted natures are subdued and
subjugated for the purposes of beautification, recreation, and – ultimately –
economic activity. As conservationist Fiore Longo writes, in this approach,
“nature” is viewed as separate from the vital and diverse human societies that
it has produced, and which have continued to protect it since time immemorial
(Longo, 2023)..
One class of
climate reductionism that separates the protection or restoration of an
abstract environment from people, and its subsequent violent consequences, is
the growing interest in large-scale tree planting schemes to supposedly respond
to habitat loss, increase carbon sequestration, or protect soils. Tree-planting
has, in some cases, fit perfectly within the intersection of the ecocidal and
genocidal outcomes of eco-apartheid. The use of
“trees as soldiers” to facilitate ethnic cleansing, as Rania Masri of
the North Carolina Environmental Justice Network puts it, when discussing
Israel’s planting of trees in the West Bank is one example. She argues that
Israel plants trees to whitewash its crimes and to violently dispossess
Palestinians of their generations-old plots, presenting itself as a “green”
saviour, even as the homogenous tree plantations it is creating become fodder
for climate-induced wildfires. For instance, for decades initiatives of the
Jewish National Fund (JNF) have involved planting trees atop depopulated
Palestinian villages and using trees as a weapon to annex and enclose more land
in the West Bank and the Naqab. This afforestation drive criminalises
Palestinian residents and their diverse ecologies of carob, olive, and fruit,
replacing them with exotic European pines that demand significant groundwater,
increase soil acidity (making it impossible to grow anything else), and
immobilise and guard the territory from return by its dispossessed communities.
Indeed, JNF Chairman from 2020-2022 Avraham Duvdevani explicitly stated that
JNF’s aim with tree planting is to “seize the open spaces near Bedouin
settlements through afforestation, designed to block land takeover.” As Rania
stresses: “the very ecological model of the Zionist project is one based on
homogeneity, as much for the same tree as with their model of statehood and
politics: one politic, one nation and we’ll erase everyone else.”
For Nadya
Tannous, co-director of Honour the Earth and a leader in the Palestinian Youth
Movement, the answer is “not to dismiss environmental movements”, which in many
instances have been a powerful progressive force in the West and an entry point
for young people with anti-establishment sentiments. Nadya argues that if we
fail to push the climate movement to adopt more anti-imperialist and
internationalist currents, we risk handing it over to ideologically liberal
institutions who will use it to further strengthen their normalisation of the
status quo, including through effects on the psyche and consciousness of young
people.
Mainstream
environmentalism’s take on progressive politics merely expands the diversity of
the ecocidal and genocidal order, and increases acceptance of it, instead of
doing something to change it. When the moral high standard of pretense to care
and have empathy for people and ecology is displayed publicly, while doubling
down on the violence of the military industrial complex, a particularly devious
and deceptive form of fascism emerges, one that differs from outright fascism
only in the fact that it does not openly and explicitly announce its racist,
misogynist and violent rhetoric. It is therefore of paramount importance to
present a strong liberatory framework that can cut through the myths of liberal
environmentalism and climate reductionism.
While mainstream
narratives continue to push for the isolation of climate issues and to
exceptionalise the climate crisis as one of singular horror, we must emphasise
the fact that the ecological dimension has always been a constitutive part of
national liberation movements, and that anti-imperialism must be the compass
guiding our struggle. The end of the imperialist capitalist system will deliver
justice, and that includes land justice and a transition towards more
ecologically sustainable forms of living within planetary boundaries. On this
point, Nadya Tannous of Honour the Earth gives the example of environmental
leftists who condemn Morales’ extractivism in Bolivia, without accounting for
the country’s internal needs for development, and the protection of their
national socialist project in the face of US military and economic imperialism.
Tannous stresses that “national liberation of Global South nations must be the
north star” of our current movements. This does not imply defending the nation
state, but rather defending liberation from colonial extraction, oppression,
and violence, as the first step towards building a world in which many worlds
fit.
It is also the
duty of social movements in the imperial core, amongst them the Palestine
movement, to understand that their own fight constitutes ecological resistance,
and is one thread in the tapestry of freedom-making and liberation from ecocide
and genocide. This does not involve reinventing the wheel. Ecological
anti-imperialism is a rich and generative tradition that we must bring to the
forefront of our movements and draw on in order to highlight the limitations
and contradictions in liberal environmentalism. For example, Thomas Sankara,
the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso in the 1980s who was assassinated in a
foreign-backed coup d’état, was a champion of political ecology. During his
four years in power, he rolled out a feminist, socialist development programme
that liberated millions from illiteracy, patriarchal customs, and medical
underdevelopment. In an impassioned speech given at the First International
Silva Conference on Trees and Forests in Paris in 1986, Sankara located the
roots of the ecological crisis in imperialism, stating: “The struggle to defend
the trees and forests is above all a struggle against imperialism. Because
imperialism is the arsonist setting fire to our forests and savannas.” Unlike
planting trees in order to dispossess others of their land, or to compensate
for carbon releases taking place elsewhere, Sankara’s tree planting schemes
sought to protect the land from resource imperialism and racial capital,
through applying embodied cultural knowledge of the territory involved.
There are other
examples of liberation ecologies. One is the marooning practices of
once-captive slaves on colonial plantations, who grew food and sustained their
communities by drawing on the intimate relationships they had with the land
(Stennett, 2020). Another is guerilla warfare, which is a mainstay of many
anti-colonial liberation wars. In guerilla warfare the native fights on
ecological terrain, using their knowledge of the territory to outsmart the
settler, who is only capable of relating to the land as another objectified
substrate to manage, manipulate, or conquer. In Palestine, collective
steadfastness involves maintaining the connection to the land, not for
sentimental reasons alone but to assert one’s presence or existence (wujud) on
the land, as a form of resistance in itself (Taher, 2024). Even in the belly of
the empire, the creation of social and solidarity economies that are outside
the control of both the market and the state offer new environment-making
possibilities. In all of these cases, the practice of making freedom
collectively and outside of colonial and imperialist systems of oppression
generates new ecological relationships that replenish and restore the
conditions for life.
While acts of
collective resistance can generate alternative ecologies that can liberate
humanity and our non-human relations from the violence of “sustainability”
solutions being sold to us, an anti-imperialist politic must also demand the
rebirth of a united anti-war movement. Imperialism is nothing without
militarism, as theorised by the late Arab Marxist Samir Amin (2017), who said
that imperialism walks on two legs: economic (through a globalised neoliberal
policy that is forced upon the countries of the world) and political (including
military interventions against those who resist). Equally, the military
industrial complex is one of the largest emitters, polluters, and drivers of
climate change – a wasteful industry that produces no value vis-à-vis human
life. The Pentagon is the most carbon-intensive institution in the world,
responsible for more annual emissions than most countries (Crawford, 2022). Ali
Kadri emphasises, war is not an unintentional side product of capitalism;
rather, the waste and destruction produced by war stimulates the capitalist
economy, and likewise, environmental degradation is the “structural waste” of
capitalist imperialism (Kadri, 2023). The US empire requires a constant state
of war to reproduce itself and impose its interests on the populations of the
Global South. Thus, the military industrial complex simply has no place in a
future free from eco-apartheid. Understanding this is of crucial importance
amidst climate and ecological breakdown because the capitalist green transition
is also a war of extraction. This is true not only in the Global South, but
also in the North, where sacrifice zones for lithium extraction are created in
areas where Indigenous and racialised populations live.
In parallel, we
would add that one of the greatest ecological risks occurs when racialised and
Indigenous people side with the oppressor to become ambassadors of the
Euro-American colonising imaginary, and submit to the dominant cultural
ideologies of individualism, meritocracy and a nihilistic attitude towards
social transformation. White supremacy, which is necessary for planetary
eco-apartheid to take shape, is increasingly being represented by diverse
multicultural faces. Those who take part
in this process are throwing members of their own communities under the bus to
“make it” to appear positively for the white gaze of approval. Their actions
also embolden the centre-right and far-right alike, by bringing more diverse
faces into their ranks, precipitating an ever-faster plunge into the abyss.
Pulling the brakes on this demands an anti-imperialist anti-war movement that
leverages cultural diversity to empower a shared humanity against the ecocidal
and genocidal ravages of racial capitalism. At this juncture, in the face of
impending catastrophe, “thinking ecologically” cannot afford to involve
anything less.
Even if solar
panels and wind turbines are erected on an unprecedented scale, it is likely
too late to stop the catastrophes that will be unleashed by runaway climate
change. As the Covid pandemic showed, the crises will always be experienced
through the very social processes that concentrate harm on poor and Indigenous
peoples, who desperately require reparative justice, rather than once again
being scapegoated as collateral damage. As Potawatomi scholar Kyle Powys Whyte
claims, climate change only intensifies the effects of colonialism – expanding
its violence to new populations across the planet (Whyte, 2020). Unless
colonial power is tackled, climate change can never be addressed. This bears
repeating, and it has direct relevance to the obliteration of Gaza, which is
supported by the same governments that are charged with addressing climate
change, and which continue to propose “green” solutions that line the pockets
of oil companies and Big Tech firms, who bankroll arms shipments to the Zionist
entity. If the constant bombardments, white phosphorus attacks, cultural
erasure, and refined AI-targeted destruction of Gaza are “mirrors” of an
immediate future rooted in eco-apartheid, the liberation of Palestine is the
north star in imagining reparative, ecological modes of living.
How so? First
and foremost, the call to “Free Palestine” reclaims the humanity of billions of
people who are engaged in resistance, not only in Palestine, Lebanon and Yemen,
but also elsewhere across the Global South, whose lives do count, as real human
beings with values and dreams, imaginations, fears, joys, and flaws – equal to
anyone in Western Europe, North America, Israel, Australia, and the rest of the
Western world. Reclaiming the humanity of this huge share of the world’s
population is a bare minimum demand for a just and liveable world. The words
and especially (in)actions of those who still need to be convinced of this
basic truth of our shared humanity, and who continue to privilege some human
lives over others, will forever be anti-ecological, no matter the nature of
their climate analysis. Only by stopping the dehumanisation of people and their
subjection to decades of repression and overt violence can ecological
relationships of reciprocity and respect be restored, nurtured and made to thrive.
While the rise
of solidarities across movements that put Palestine liberation at the heart and
soul of their efforts is just beginning, this is a crucial first step that is
absolutely necessary to prevent an eco-apartheid future. In spite of attempts
to ignore its recommendations, South Africa’s case against Israel at the ICJ
has sent shockwaves around the world, forging global solidarities across
working class and grassroots efforts in sometimes unexpected places, and across
the North/South divide. These solidarities include dock workers in Belgium,
Italy, Greece, and India refusing to ship arms to Israel; consumers in Malaysia
and Indonesia engaging in boycotts that have caused major financial losses for
Western companies with ties to Israel; and students on university campuses
around the world refusing to give an inch in their efforts to expose the
hypocrisy of their institutions until their demands are met. Beyond these
fronts, our challenge is connecting the struggles of brutalised workers across
the world with the resistance of the Palestinian people against common systems
which disregard life everywhere. Our challenge is organising workers from all
domains to strike for Palestine, to prevent more shipments of arms and
hard-earned tax dollars going to murder innocent people. It is this ecology of
resistance that will liberate working people everywhere.
Like all
indigènes who suffer at the hands of oppressors, the Palestinian people and all
colonised people will continue to resist the demolition of their homes, the
occupation of their land, the redirection of rivers, the poisoning of soils,
the killing of their non-human kin, the erasure of their culture, and the
genocide of their communities. This represents an existential truth: there is
something deeply ingrained in the human spirit that refuses to be dominated
perpetually. Facing the reality of our apocalyptic conditions does not mean
that we have lost: rather, it gives us the vision we need to fight back. Make
no mistake: resistance against imperialism and its Zionist proxy represents the
strongest ecological force of our times. Building an anti-war, anti-imperialist
and ecological mass movement is our duty, in order to extend the resistance of
the Palestinians to all corners of the world. The coloniser believes that with
enough brutalisation they can lock us into an indefinite state of repression, but
history has always bent towards justice: not by chance, but as a result of the
inevitable and relentless resistance of people against the forces of genocide,
for dignity for everyone on the earth. The liberation of Palestine represents
the linchpin of our collective survival in the face of ecological collapse, it
pulls forth a bright light from the black hole of a looming eco-apartheid
future.
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