Biden’s transition team is filled
with war profiteers, Beltway chickenhawks, and corporate consultants
11/14/2020
KEVIN GOSZTOLA
A glance at the
Biden-Harris agency review teams should provide a rude awakening to anyone who
believed a Biden administration could be “pushed to the left.”
An eye-popping array
of corporate consultants, war profiteers, and national security hawks have been
appointed by President-elect Joe Biden to agency review teams that will set the
agenda for his administration. A substantial percentage of them worked in the
United States government when Barack Obama was president.
The appointments
should provide a rude awakening to anyone who believed a Biden administration
could be pressured to move in a progressive direction, especially on foreign
policy.
If the agency teams are any indication, Biden will be firmly insulated from any pressure to depart from the neoliberal status quo, which the former vice president has pledged to restore. Instead, he is likely to be pushed in an opposite direction, towards an interventionist foreign policy dictated by elite Beltway interests and consumed by Cold War fever.
Regime change
addicts and revolving doors
A prime example of
the interventionist-minded establishment-oriented figures filling the
Biden-Harris Defense Department agency team is Lisa Sawyer. She served as
director for NATO and European strategic affairs for the National Security
Council from 2014 to 2015, and worked for Wall Street’s JPMorgan Chase as a
foreign policy adviser. Sawyer was part of the Center for a New American
Security’s “Task Force on the Future of US Coercive Economic Statecraft,” which
essentially means she participated in meetings that focused on methods of
economic warfare that could be used to destabilize countries that refused to
bow to American empire.
Sawyer believes the
US government is not doing enough to deter Russian “aggression,” US troop
levels in Europe should return to the levels they were at in 2012, and
offensive weapons shipments to Ukraine should continue and increase in
violation of the Minsk Agreements.
“Instead of saying
we will lift sanctions when Russia decides to comply with the next agreement,
say that we will raise them until they do. Instead of kowtowing to Russia’s
supposed spears of influence, provide Ukraine the lethal assistance it so
desperately needs and increase US support to vulnerable nations in the gray
zone,” Sawyer declared when testifying before the Senate Armed Services
Committee in 2017.
US assistant
secretary of state for African affairs Linda Thomas-Greenfield was appointed
leader of the Biden-Harris State Department team. She is a stalwart ally of
former US national security adviser Susan Rice, who pushed for war in Libya,
supported the invasion of Iraq, and was involved in the decision to remove
peacekeepers from the United Nations which enabled Rwanda genocide.
As a developer and
manager for US policy toward sub-Saharan Africa, she cheered President George
W. Bush’s Millennium Challenge Account, a neocolonialist policy designed to
privilege US corporations and facilitate the economic exploitation of so-called
emerging African economies.
Thomas-Greenfield
has been a part of the Albright Stonebridge Group, a global consulting firm
chaired by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright that lobbies for the defense
industry.
Albright
Stonebridge’s client list has included the management firm of vulture
capitalist GOP mega-donor Paul Singer. When the Beltway insiders teamed up to
suck Argentina’s economy dry during the country’s last debt crisis,
then-President Cristina Kirchner accused Albright of threatening to fund her
opponents unless she ceded to her demands.
The State Department
group also includes Dana Stroul, a fellow at the neoconservative Washington
Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), which was originally founded by the
American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).
As The Grayzone’s
Ben Norton reported, Stroul was enlisted by Senate Democrats in 2019 to join
the “Syria Study Group” to help map out the next phase of the US dirty war in
Syria. The recommendations included maintaining a military occupation of
one-third of the country, the “resource rich part of Syria” in order to give
the US leverage to “influence a political outcome.”
Stroul urged further
economic sanctions against Damascus and the obstruction of reconstruction aid,
which has already led to shortages of oil and bread.
Ali Abunimah of the
Electronic Intifada noted that Farooq Mitha, a former Pentagon official in the
Obama administration, has been appointed to Biden’s Pentagon transition team.
Mitha was a board member of Emgage, a Muslim American PAC which has fostered
ties to the Israel lobby, provoking angry condemnation from Palestine
solidarity advocates. Mitha has reportedly attended AIPAC conferences.
Multiple
Biden-Harris appointees back regime change in Venezuela. Paula Garcia Tufro was
a member of Obama’s National Security Council and is on the NSC team. She was
at the NSC when Obama declared Venezuela a “national security threat” and has
consorted with a D.C. group that represents failed coup plotter Juan Guaido.
Kelly Magsamen, the
vice president of national security and international policy at the Center for
American Progress and a former Pentagon and State Department official, is on
the Biden-Harris NSC team. When Representative Ilhan Omar grilled Elliott
Abrams, the special envoy to Venezuela, Magsamen rushed to the defense of her
former boss, calling Abrams a “fierce advocate for human rights.” (Abrams
supported death squads in Central America in the 1980s.)
Former US ambassador
to Mexico Roberta Jacobson is a member of the State Department transition team.
Marketing herself as an expert on “Latin American business politics,” Jacobson
has also worked for the Albright Stonebridge Group consulting firm.
Jacobson helped
devise the Obama administration’s designation of Venezuela as a national
security threat, setting the stage for the economic blockade imposed under
Trump.
“In a rude and
petulant manner, Mrs. Jacobson tells us what to do,” Venezuela’s then-Foreign
Minister Delcy Rodriguez complained at the time. “I know her very well because
I have seen her personally, her way of walking, chewing. You need manners to
deal with people and with countries.”
Derek Chollet and
Ellison Laskowski, both senior staffers at the German Marshall Fund (GMF), are
also on the Biden-Harris State Department group. GMF has pushed for a more
belligerent US and European posture toward Russia while supporting a dubious
information war project called Hamilton 68. This website claimed to be able to
identify “Russian influence operations” while fueling social media censorship
of accounts that promoted anti-imperialist narratives, misidentifying real
people as “Russian bots,” and orchestrating smears against Black Lives Matter
protests by branding them as instruments of covert Russian influence.
The Biden-Harris
intelligence team features Greg Vogle, the former CIA head of station in
Afghanistan and a former partner at the McChrystal Group consulting firm
founded by former commander of Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) Stanley
McChrystal. Both JSOC and the CIA, as well as the paramilitary forces they
trained, have committed war crimes in Afghanistan.
Vogle also found
time to work for a US military contractor named DGC International that provides
construction, fueling, oxygen, liquid nitrogen, and other logistical support to
US military forces, cashing in on wars across the Middle East.
Vogle is joined on
the intelligence team by Matt Olsen, the former National Counterterrorism
Center director for Obama and briefly, the general counsel for the National
Security Agency (NSA).
From 2006-2009,
Olsen served as deputy attorney general for the Justice Department’s National
Security Division. There, he broke down barriers that prevented prosecutors
from being able to use information collected through clandestine operations and
warrantless surveillance in criminal cases. He also helped craft the FISA
Amendments Act, which granted telecommunications companies immunity for their
role in the NSA’s warrantless wiretapping program established after the 9/11
attacks.
Olsen is a defender
of backdoor searches of Americans’ internet communications, having argued that
the Fourth Amendment right to privacy is too cumbersome for the FBI to follow.
He spent the months after NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden exposed mass
surveillance programs working to discredit Snowden by accusing the
whistleblower of aiding terrorists.
Another Snowden
opponent on the Biden-Harris intelligence team is Bob Litt, who was the Office
of Director of National Intelligence’s top lawyer. When any media organization
ran a story on some new aspect of the US surveillance apparatus, Litt was the
national security state’s spokesperson deployed to downplay or dismiss the
revelation.
When Director of
National Intelligence James Clapper was skewered for lying to Congress about
the collection of Americans’ phone metadata, for example, Litt rose to Clapper’s
defense, absurdly arguing the director was “surprised by the question and
focused his mind on the collection of the content of Americans’
communications.”
In fact, the
Biden-Harris agency review teams are packed with figures likely to enshrine
lawlessness and disdain for civil liberties if they enter the administration.
Agents of injustice
They include
Department of Justice review team member Marty Lederman. A Georgetown Law
professor, Lederman was the deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s
Office of Legal Counsel from 2009 to 2010. He helped draft the “drone memo”
that outlined the supposed “legal basis” for executing Anwar al-Awlaki, an Al
Qaeda affiliated terrorism suspect without charge or trial, despite the fact
that Al-Awlaki was an American citizen.
Joining Lederman is
Barbara McQuade, an ex-MSNBC contributor and former US attorney in the Eastern
District of Michigan, which has jurisdiction over Dearborn, Detroit, and Flint.
During her time as the government’s top prosecutor in Flint, McQuade had the
power to bring charges against Michigan officials responsible for contaminating
the city’s water and lying to the public about it, but she waited out her
tenure without doing anything of substance to hold them accountable.
McQuade’s office was
complicit in the racial profiling and intrusive surveillance of Arab, Muslim,
and Sikh communities in Dearborn. She pursued the political prosecution of
Rasmea Odeh, a prominent Palestinian American civil rights activist in Chicago,
resulting in Odeh’s deportation to Jordan.
Odeh was tortured by
Israeli forces, the State Department knew she was accused of violence by the
Israeli government, yet she was allowed to immigrate to the US in the 1990s.
Nonetheless, Odeh was convicted of immigration fraud and deported to Jordan as
part of an effort to salvage a larger FBI counterintelligence operation against
antiwar and international solidarity activists.
Neil MacBride, the
former US Attorney in the Eastern District of Virginia, is on the Biden-Harris
Justice Department team too. Although his office did not indict WikiLeaks
founder Julian Assange, MacBride oversaw the grand jury that was empaneled to
aid the US government in its efforts to destroy the media organization.
MacBride presided
over the prosecution of CIA whistleblowers John Kiriakou and Jeffrey Sterling,
enabling Obama to claim the dishonorable record of more prosecutions under the
Espionage Act than all previous presidential administrations combined. MacBride
also fought in federal court for the authority to force New York Times reporter
James Risen to divulge his confidential sources in the Sterling case,
threatening the correspondent with jail time if he refused.
At an Aspen Security
Forum event in July 2013, MacBride was asked by Michael Isikoff, “Have you gone
overboard, Neil?” MacBride replied, “No, I don’t believe we have.”
The Biden-Harris
team leader for the Labor Department team is Chris Lu, a cheerleader for the
Trans-Pacific Partnership corporate free trade deal as Obama’s Deputy Secretary
of Labor.
Half dozen or so of
the appointees have links to Big Tech companies. Perhaps the most significant
figure is Seth Harris, a lobbyist and former Obama Labor Department official
who wrote a policy paper for the neoliberal Hamilton Project.
This paper provided
the framework for the passage of Proposition 22 in California. Uber, Doordash,
and Lyft spent around $200 million to campaign for the passage of this bill,
which exempted them and other corporations from paying their employees benefits
and blocked Uber and Lyft drivers from organizing a union.
Max Moran of The
American Prospect contended Proposition 22 was Harris’ audition for Labor
Secretary in a Biden administration. Given its smashing success in duping
supposedly progressive Californians of all demographics into supporting
corporate oppression of workers, Harris has earned himself the job.
And like the interventionists that dominate the foreign policy review teams, Seth Harris embodies Biden’s pledge to big money donors: “Nothing will fundamentally change.”
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