Patrick
Lawrence
October
18, 2023
There
have been many, very many singular moments among America’s purported leaders
and assorted officials and commentators since Hamas staged its daring assault
on southern Israel on the morning of Oct. 7. Let us consider a few of these
moments and draw some conclusions.
Let
us look closely at what is being said and what the American public is now urged
to think and accept as Israeli forces prosecute a campaign against Gaza’s 2.1
million people so extreme as to suggest ethnic cleansing is, as many have long
argued, the ultimate Israeli project.
“Well,
there have been some members of Congress who have called for a ceasefire, and
they have not gone as far as backing the administration’s call for support for
Israel.” This was a reporter’s observation at a press conference last week that
featured President Joe Biden’s press secretary, Karine Jean–Pierre, and Jake
Sullivan, the president’s national security adviser.
Jean–Pierre’s
response merits careful parsing for the large implications we find in it. In my
read it reflects Washington’s increasing desperation as Israel’s conduct toward
Palestinians tips into a savagery no rational human being can defend.
“So,
look, I’ve seen some of those statements this weekend. And we’re going to
continue to be very clear,” Jean–Pierre replied. “We believe they are wrong, we
believe they’re repugnant, and we believe they’re disgraceful.”
Let’s
not miss what transpired in those few seconds. To call for a ceasefire as the
Israeli Defense Forces level an entire city and turn a million human beings
into refugees — murdering many children and noncombatants in the process — is
humane by any serious definition. To describe such a call as wrong, repugnant,
and disgraceful is to assert that what is ordinarily decent must now be cast
aside as indecent.
At
this point, Washington’s defense of Israel becomes as baldly obscene as the
apartheid state’s long record of lawless aggression toward the Palestinian
population.
‘Not
Two Sides’
Pressing
on in a tone that is combative and unmistakably defensive all at once,
Jean–Pierre added, “Our — our condemnation belongs squarely with terrorists who
have brutally murdered, raped, kidnapped hundreds — hundreds of Israelis. There
can be no equivocation about that. There are not two sides here. There are not
two sides.”
Not
two sides, asserted twice. This, too, has implications we must consider.
Later
at the same presser, another White House correspondent asked Jake Sullivan, “Is
the goal the destruction of Hamas? … What is — where do you draw the line? Is
there a red line of where do you draw that line of what you need to
accomplish?”
Good
questions, if inarticulately posed. To which Sullivan replied, “I’m not here to
— to draw red lines or issue warnings or give lectures to anybody.”
Translation:
No, we, the one nation with the power and influence to stop the most nakedly
racist case of violence in the IDF’s long history of such aggression, will do
nothing to prevent it.
Let
us continue.
Last
Friday Akbar Shahid Ahmed, the foreign affairs correspondent at HuffPost,
reported on an internal State Department memorandum advising diplomats and
other officials to refrain from any suggestion that Israel moderate its bombing
campaign or its planned ground invasion into Gaza.
“In
messages circulated on Friday, State Department staff wrote that high-level
officials do not want press materials to include three specific phrases:
‘de-escalation/ceasefire,’ ‘end to violence/bloodshed’ and ‘restoring calm,’”
Ahmed wrote. “The revelation provides a stunning signal about the Biden
administration’s reluctance to push for Israeli restraint…”
I
would have liked an extended quotation of the memo’s text, but I am not the
least bit doubtful that State circulated the instructions Ahmed described. By
last Friday Antony Blinken, the Biden regime’s spineless secretary of state,
had deleted messages calling for restraint that he had earlier posted on his X
account.
A
headline atop an editorial in Saturday’s New York Times — signed,
significantly, by the Editorial Board: “Israel Can Defend Itself and Uphold Its
Values.” Under it, this assertion: “What Israel is fighting to defend is a
society that values human life and the rule of law.”
In
an interview with The New York Post Sunday, Chuck Schumer, the U.S. Senate
majority leader, denounced U.S. demonstrators calling for Israel to stop its
indiscriminate military campaign against Gazans and said Israelis must get
“everything they need” — the objective being “to totally eliminate Hamas.”
“Totally
eliminate.” Does the phrase summon any echoes in history?
On
the halfway-humorous side, Lydia Polgreen, a Times columnist, published a piece
last Friday under the headline, “Now Is the Moment for Biden’s Age to Be an
Asset.”
And
in the same line, Douglas Emhoff addressed Jewish leaders at the White House
last Wednesday. With the incoherent president by his side, Emhoff reassured them, “I know you’re all hurting….
But thank God we have the steady leadership of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris
during this unthinkable time in our history.
Their moral compass, their calm and empathy are what we need in this
time of crisis.”
Emhoff,
just a brief aside, is the vice-president’s spouse.
On
Monday evening the White House announced that Biden will travel to Israel
Wednesday — not at his initiative but in response to a telephone call from Bibi
Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister. Biden’s purpose, as the Times described
it in Tuesday’s editions, is “to bolster the country’s resolve to eradicate
Hamas.”
In
other words, to endorse a military campaign against Gaza that grows more
obscene by the day.
A
bottomless inventory of this stuff, these preposterous declamations, this
bloviating, this full-frontal approval of criminal aggression, has accumulated
since the Hamas incursion into Israel on Oct. 7. Let’s be clear about the
intent of this extraordinary onslaught.
This
is the most powerful campaign to manufacture consent in behalf of apartheid
Israel in my lifetime, and that almost certainly includes yours. We need to ask
why this is so.
History
Is Erased
Above
all, far above all, events are completely stripped of history. Never is there
any mention, when events such as the Hamas assault occur, of all the savagery
to which Palestinians have been subjected since al–Nakba, the Catastrophe of
1948.
All
the land-thefts, village bulldozings, olive-grove burnings, the arrests and
tortures, the murders of children, and on and on: All this is airbrushed out of
the picture. It is the most powerful of erasures, for what remains, as Karine
Jean–Pierre so well put it, is only one side. All context is made invisible.
History is erased.
In
the present case, we must recognize that the Hamas militias’ murders of
noncombatant Israelis in the 20 towns and villages it assaulted on Oct. 7
cannot be excused or condoned. Those killings, by officials counts at least
1,300, were wrong no matter which way one turns the case.
But
neither can we accept official assertions that Hamas acted without provocation.
Washington officials and the corporate media, which we must count official but
for the ownership structure, remain silent in unison about the events that
preceded the Oct. 7 assault.
We
read nothing of the scores of right-wing settlers, a freak-show of racist
fanatics, who stormed al–Aqsa just prior to the Hamas intervention — an obvious
and by the evidence intentional provocation. In its own way this news blackout,
too, is wrong.
Is
what we get from the propaganda mills this time routine, more of the same? I do
not think so. My reasoning begins with events that occurred two years ago. In
May 2021, readers will surely recall, Israeli police attempted to restrict
Palestinians’ access to al–Aqsa and the associated Dome of the Rock — this
during Ramadan no less.
“Then
came Hamas’ retaliatory rockets fired into Jerusalem from Gaza after an
ultimatum it issued to retreat from al–Aqsa was ignored,” I wrote in this space
at the time. “And now we watch Israel’s fourth attack on Gaza in the past dozen
years. And now we read in our corporate press of Israeli–Arab ‘clashes’ and of
Israel’s ‘right to self-defense.’”
Something
happened amid those events, it seemed to me then and seems to me now. The
deranged, at this point psychotic violence of the Israeli state — and many of
its citizens — was too obvious to deny. The apologetics would return like an
incoming tide, but neither official Washington nor corporate media was able to
avoid some bold admissions of responsibility. The mainstream press even made
occasional mention of history.
There
was a crack in the wall whose bricks were made long ago of denial and lies and
erasures, this is to say. It suggested very strongly a turn in world opinion.
I
recall these thoughts as I listen to Karine Jean–Pierre, Jake Sullivan, and the
editorial writers at The New York Times. Their defenses of Israel and denials
of the past have grown so ridiculously hollow that we are effectively invited
not to believe what is right before our eyes.
We
are urged to think the decent is indecent, this is to say — and by the same
token that the indecent is decent.
Refusing
to face reality, the propagandists and liars are left with but one alternative:
to insist ever more loudly and aggressively and in ever shriller tones that the
obviously false is true. And a certain desperation, to me pronounced,
necessarily creeps into the official narrative when it seeks to pervert our
perceptions so fundamentally.
It
cannot hold and is not. From all I hear and read in various comment threads,
some attached to the work of apologists at The New York Times and elsewhere,
the façade of Israeli righteousness, the “self-defense” dodge, the subtraction
of history — all this is weakening. Unmistakably, I would say.
To
turn this matter another way, Washington’s neoconservative cliques cannot
indefinitely defend and prolong a foreign policy that is failing this spectacularly.
In
all the short, faux-confident sentences — “There are not two sides here,” etc .
— I urge you, readers, to hear anxiety and apprehension. You can claim the sky
is not blue and it does not get dark at night only so long before no one
listens and opinion turns decisively against you.
I
had an interesting conversation over the weekend with Christian Müller, a
prominent Swiss journalist for many years and now the publisher and editor of
GlobalBridge.ch, a German-language current-affairs publication. Is this the
moment, we wondered together, when the international defense of Israel crumbles
and the apartheid state stands effectively alone, the U.S. its only defender?
It
is our question, and there are signs of it. I mentioned comment threads here
and there. There are also the Europeans, whose enthusiasm for the Israeli
project shows serious signs of weakening. Over the weekend Gideon Rachman, a
Financial Times columnist and long a reliable friend of Israel, quoted European
diplomats saying ruefully — and of necessity anonymously — “We may be about to
see a massive ethnic cleansing.”
Such
remarks are not those of sanguine allies of a regime that is obviously out of
control.
I
answer my friend Christian with a qualified negative. No, public opinion and
the support Israel has long enjoyed among the Western powers is not on the
brink of tipping over. The Hamas incursion into Israel and the Israeli response
will not prove decisive in this way.
But
if we think in terms of a gradual evolution toward justice, the winds blow
unmistakably in the right direction. They have gathered force gradually for
some years now. The horrific events of 2021 were pivotal, we can see, but they
were not the decisive turning point some of us thought we saw at the time.
It
is the same now. The offensive pretense of Israeli innocence has never been
more thoroughly exposed as fraudulent, never more obviously a matter of moral
irresponsibility. It will nonetheless require more time before the lights go on
and the great, grotesque game of charades we call “democratic Israel’s
self-defense” is over.
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