December
17, 2023
In
partnership with
Contrary
to initial claims, the Israeli army carried out relentless strikes with little
intelligence of Israeli hostages’ whereabouts or precaution for their safety, a
+972 and Local Call investigation shows.
The
IDF Spokesperson’s announcement on Friday that Israeli soldiers in the Gaza
Strip had “mistakenly shot dead” three Israeli hostages, who had been abducted
by Hamas during its October 7 assault, has shocked Israeli society. Despite
reportedly removing their shirts and holding up a white cloth to signal
surrender, the soldiers deemed the hostages — one of whom was a Bedouin citizen
— threats and fired at them. Herzl Halevi, the IDF Chief of Staff, took
personal responsibility for the incident, adding: “There is nothing IDF
soldiers and commanders in the Gaza Strip want more than to rescue hostages
alive. In this case, we failed to do so.”
Halevi’s
sentiment, however, does not always appear to have been put into practice. A
new investigation by +972 Magazine and Local Call suggests that, since the
beginning of the Gaza war, the Israeli leadership has relegated the goal of
ensuring the hostages’ safety in favor of larger military and political goals
in the occupied territory — a fact that has not only stoked anger and
discontent from hostages’ families, but seems to have been pursued despite
concerns from soldiers, especially during the first few weeks of the operation.
Intelligence
sources who spoke to +972 and Local Call on the condition of anonymity, before
the shooting of the three abductees on Friday, affirmed that during the initial
stages of the war, the Israeli army’s intense bombardment of Gaza was conducted
without having a clear picture of where many of the more than 240 hostages were
being held. The relentless airstrikes — which have so far killed more than
18,700 Palestinians, displaced the vast majority of Gaza’s population, and
decimated large swathes of the besieged Strip — also continued despite concerns
that the bombings might endanger the lives of the hostages, according to the
sources.
Echoing
this sense of an indiscriminate and haphazard policy, testimonies from newly
freed Israeli hostages, who were released as part of exchange deals for
Palestinian prisoners during a temporary ceasefire in late November, as well as
from some of the hostages’ families, indicate that one of the main fears of
those held captive in Gaza was the threat of being hit by Israeli airstrikes
and shelling. Many of the hostages, according to these testimonies, were held
above ground rather than in tunnels, and were therefore particularly vulnerable
to such attacks.
Referring
to the first weeks of Israel’s onslaught, one intelligence source told +972 and
Local Call that “the IDF shelled extensively, destroying half of Gaza, while
having little intelligence.” The source emphasized that the army “would not
have killed hostages deliberately if they knew they were in a certain
building,” but that it nonetheless carried out thousands of strikes knowing
full well that hostages might be also harmed, especially at a time when “there
were many hostages held in private apartments [above ground].”
This
account is consistent with what some of the released hostages have said upon
their return. Noam Dan, three of whose relatives were kidnapped on October 7 —
and two of whom have since been freed — told +972 and Local Call that as soon
as the first captives were released, the families discovered that much of what
Israeli politicians had told them about the hostages’ whereabouts was untrue.
“At
first, government officials made it clear to us that the hostages were in
tunnels, and therefore the army’s bombings won’t hit them,” she said. “When the
hostages were released, we realized that many of them were above ground, in
people’s homes. The government kept telling us that they knew where they were,
that they wouldn’t do anything that would endanger them, that everything was
under control. But once the abductees got out of there, these things turned out
to be false. Everything we thought [was true] collapsed.”
Dan
added that, from conversations she had with freed hostages, she learned that
their primary fear was being killed or wounded by the Israeli army’s attacks —
a feeling echoed by other captives released in recent weeks. She also said that
there was evidence of hostages being hit by Israel’s bombing in Gaza.
Two
intelligence sources also said they now have concrete evidence that some female
Israeli hostages were sexually assaulted by their Hamas captors while in
captivity, corroborating testimonies published by the Hostages and Missing
Families Forum and elsewhere. The sources said that some are still in danger of
sexual abuse, and that the window of opportunity to release them is getting
smaller.
Intelligence
sources further told +972 and Local Call that they believe that only public
pressure for another deal with Hamas will bring about the release of all the
remaining hostages — pressure that has been mounting in recent days, including
with a large protest held in Tel Aviv Saturday evening. The sources said they
felt the issue had been “let go” by Israel’s political leaders, and for this
reason, it was important to share their information for this article.
“It’s
very hard for me that there is no goal, and no political vision of what will
happen the day after the war,” one of the sources said. “There is no strategic
plan. There are endless, bombastic, motivational statements about toppling
Hamas and how we’ll drink a mojito on the beach in Gaza next year. Statements
without logic backed by a lot of irrational commanders, who are still acting to
carry out revenge.
“When
the military objective is so vague, I feel that I am here for only one reason:
to try to press for a political agreement and a prisoner exchange,” the source
continued. “This is more important than anything.”
‘There’s nothing we can do — we have to win the war’
On
Nov. 30, +972 and Local Call published a detailed investigation revealing that
the Israeli army has greatly expanded its bombing of non-military targets in
Gaza compared to previous assaults on the besieged Strip, and that it is using
artificial intelligence to generate more potential targets than ever before.
The exposé also revealed that the army has loosened the constraints on expected
civilian casualties from its airstrikes, including knowingly killing hundreds
of Palestinian civilians while trying to assassinate one senior Hamas figure.
These
policies — which have contributed to perhaps the deadliest and most destructive
military campaign against Palestinians since the Nakba — also put the lives of
the Israeli hostages in danger, according to the intelligence sources who spoke
to +972 and Local Call for this new investigation.
The
sources said that the Israeli military is today taking more precautions with
regard to avoiding harm to hostages than it was at the beginning of the war,
partly because the intelligence picture has become significantly clearer.
However, some of the sources said that “mistakes still happen,” and that they
have evidence from the past month that hostages may have been hit by Israeli
airstrikes.
One
source explained that, shortly after the Hamas-led massacres of October 7,
which killed over 1,100 people in southern Israel, there was a sense that “the
lives of the hostages were a price that people in the army, especially senior
commanders, were willing to pay.”
The
source continued: “My feeling is that [the army and political top brass] knew
they were going to be forced to resign at the end of the war, and they wanted
to present military achievements, among other things, as a way to protect
themselves. We were told that even if Hamas executed one hostage every day, we
would not stop bombing. I hoped that the [Israeli] public would protest. [I
knew] if there was no public pressure for a prisoner deal, the abductees would
die. After a few weeks, Israeli [public] and U.S. pressure to advance a deal
caused the [military’s] attitude toward the abductees to change.”
“At
the start, it was constantly stated that the goal was to win the war and
eradicate Hamas, not to bring back the hostages, and that there’s nothing we
can do about it,” said a different intelligence source. “I saw that this
bothered a lot of people [in the intelligence community], but they were in a
stressful situation — an earthquake that began on October 7 and never ended. So
soldiers were critical of the army, but they also saw how bad Hamas is, and
they thought, ‘There’s nothing we can do about it — we have to win the war.’”
Another
source told +972 and Local Call that the Israeli army tried to avoid killing
hostages, but the emphasis at first was placed on military goals. “In the first
two or three weeks, we didn’t have enough intelligence about the hostages, and
they were not the top priority,” the source said. “We didn’t start the day with
an update on the status of the hostages. It wasn’t our top priority then — and
the truth is, they aren’t today either. Unfortunately, I don’t think the army
can [free the hostages through rescue operations]. I don’t think we will be
able to release hostages without a deal.”
One
of the sources referred to a quote by Tzachi Hanegbi, the head of Israel’s
National Security Council, a week after the Hamas attack, that there would be
no negotiations with Hamas for the release of the hostages, because “we have no
way of negotiating with an enemy that we swore to wipe off the face of the
earth.” The source said that this statement reflected well the atmosphere that
prevailed in the first weeks of the war, until public pressure mounted to
advance a deal with Hamas.
Notably,
during those early stages of the operation, the Israeli government reportedly
rejected proposals to release some hostages in exchange for a temporary
ceasefire — a deal that was eventually agreed to in late November.
“We
recently reduced the number of bombings in Gaza because there is not much left
to bomb,” another source explained. “The army is very busy today with the
question of how not to kill the hostages; this is a central issue now in the
war. They try not to bomb them, but it can happen accidentally, and it has
happened accidentally in the past.”
The
source also detailed how even Israel’s strikes on known Hamas leaders can
endanger the lives of hostages. “One of the things that is not discussed by the
Israeli public is that there are female hostages held next to senior Hamas
figures all the time. They’re using them as human shields. So to try to kill
the senior Hamas figures is to know that you will sacrifice a female hostage.”
These
comments seem to be in line with what Hanegbi said in another interview last
week: “If we receive information about [Hamas leader Yahya] Sinwar’s location,
and we know that he is surrounded by Israeli hostages, it will be a
heartbreaking dilemma … In the end, we will have to make a decision.”
Other
intelligence sources disagreed with the aforementioned testimonies, telling
+972 and Local Call that the hostages had been the military’s top priority from
the very beginning. “We were never told that it is permissible to endanger
hostages in order to eradicate Hamas,” one source said. “From the first moment,
we invested the same amount of resources to advance both goals simultaneously.”
One
of the sources said that extensive attacks that endangered hostages had indeed
been carried out at the start, but that “there was no choice” because a
forceful response had to be made after the October 7 attacks.
‘I was afraid of IDF shelling more than of Hamas’
The
sources’ testimonies are consistent with statements made by released Israeli
hostages and their families during a heated meeting with the Israeli war
cabinet, headed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, on Dec. 4.
“I
see you’re bombing there, and you have no idea where the hostages are,” one of
the freed hostages said, according to leaked recordings from the meeting. “I
was at a house when there were bombings all around. I know a family that
miraculously survived after a shell hit the house [they were being held in]. We
sat in the tunnels and we were terrified that it wouldn’t be Hamas but Israel
that would kill us.
“You
put politics above the return of the hostages,” the freed hostage continued.
“My husband [another hostage] beat himself because it was so hard for him, and
you’re just thinking about toppling Hamas. I saw a hostage die next to me.”
According
to the recordings, another hostage, who was released with her children but
whose husband remains captive, said that “the feeling we had there was that no
one was doing anything for us. The fact is that I was in a hiding place that
was shelled, and we had to be smuggled out wounded. You claim there is
intelligence, but the fact is that we are being bombed.”
An
elderly woman from Kibbutz Kfar Aza, one of the communities targeted by Hamas
on October 7, described in the meeting how, on one occasion in captivity in
Gaza, a closet fell on them from the blast of a bomb. “I thought I was going to
be blown up any second,” she said. “I told myself I couldn’t understand how
Israel wanted to blow us up.”
Another
abductee released in the hostage-prisoner exchange — an elderly woman from
Kibbutz Be’eri, where at least 89 of the small community’s residents were
killed and 24 were kidnapped to Gaza during Hamas’ October 7 attacks — told the
war cabinet that during her time in captivity, “I was afraid of IDF shelling
more than I was afraid of Hamas.”
Meirav
Raviv — four of whose family members, including 9-year-old Ohad Munder, were
kidnapped to Gaza, and three of whom were released — echoed this sentiment to
+972 and Local Call: “The thing that scared them the most is the shelling by
the IDF,” she said. “There’s no bomb shelter. There’s no siren. No alarm. It
happens suddenly. And they are scared to death. They heard [bombing] all the
time. They were also scared that there would be some heroic [rescue] operation,
and they would be killed.”
Filmmaker
Hagai Levy met eight of the abductees upon their return. Writing on his
Facebook page, he said that for most of them, the most horrifying trauma of
captivity was the Israeli bombing, especially among those held in homes above
ground.
“When
they talk about the bombing, they literally shake in front of me,” he wrote.
“The terms they use are ‘hell,’ [and] ‘being on the verge of death.’ The fear
of being murdered by their captors was negligible compared to the fear of dying
in a bombing. The very thought that the one who is supposed to save you is the
one who might kill you intensifies the trauma.”
Levy
interviewed the freed hostages for video testimonies commissioned by the
Hostages and Missing Families Forum — the body coordinating the families’
national and international campaigns to free their loved ones. In these videos,
which the Forum edited, most of the clips in which the abductees talk about
Israeli bombing were shelved. (The Forum had not responded to +972’s queries on
this matter by the time of publication; any response will be added to this
article if and when it is received.)
Levy
believes it is a short-sighted mistake to cut those testimonies.
“The
clear and immediate danger to the lives of the abductees is currently posed by
IDF actions,” he wrote in another Facebook post. “The Hostages and Missing
Families Forum must depart from its appeasement of the mainstream and its
conformity, shout and scream and demand an immediate ceasefire and an immediate
resumption of negotiations.”
Roni
Krivoi, an Israeli with Russian citizenship who worked as a soundman at the
Supernova music festival that was attacked on October 7, was kidnapped and
released by Hamas as a “tribute” to Russian President Vladimir Putin. After his
release, Krivoi’s aunt told Israeli media that he was held in a building that
collapsed after being bombed by the army, and that he managed to escape. For
four days, she said, he wandered alone in Gaza until he was caught by residents
who returned him to his captors.
Intelligence
sources told +972 and Local Call that they feel a sense of growing urgency over
the fate of the Israeli hostages, because the situation of some of the captives
is extremely difficult. “It really depends on which kidnapper abducted you,”
one of the sources said. “Some got food, some didn’t. There are those who have
been treated by a doctor, and some who have not.”
During
the tense war cabinet meeting, some of the released hostages and the families
of those still captive demanded that Netanyahu advance a deal with Hamas and
place the issue at the top of his priorities. Netanyahu told the families that
there is currently no political possibility of advancing an “all for all” deal
— the release of all hostages in exchange for the release of all Palestinian
political prisoners — in part because such a scenario would enable the survival
of Hamas’ rule over Gaza.
Netanyahu
also claimed that it was only thanks to Israeli military pressure and ground
maneuvers that it was possible to release hostages over the past weeks, and
that “continued maneuvering is the key to returning the rest of the abductees.”
But many of the hostages’ families, as well as the intelligence sources we
spoke to, doubt this statement.
“All
the time, it’s this slogan of force, and force will be answered with force. We
see that it doesn’t help, that it only results in more soldiers being killed,”
Raviv said. “They wanted military pressure, they used pressure, and it didn’t
help. And I am almost certain — although they deny this in the government —
that they could have negotiated the release of the women and children even
before the ground incursion.
“I
want this issue to be their top priority,” Raviv continued. “At first, it just
wasn’t. We had to meet with [Israeli government ministers] in order to convince
them. I met with the Spanish foreign minister, the Canadian prime minister, and
with senators and members of the U.S. Congress, long before the [Israeli
ministers] met with us here in Israel.”
‘What are you waiting for?’
So
far, only one hostage has been freed alive during a rescue operation since the
beginning of the fighting: the 19-year-old soldier Uri Magidish. Several other
hostages, as well as soldiers, have been killed during similar operations in
recent weeks. One intelligence source summed it up bluntly: “Military rescue
operations endanger the hostages.” The killing of three hostages by Israeli
soldiers on Friday only exemplified this further.
According
to the Israeli army, there are currently 127 hostages still being held in the
Gaza Strip. Most of the remaining hostages are men, including eight Thai
nationals, one Tanzanian, and one Nepali. There are also thought to be at least
17 women among the captives, as well as several men over the age of 75, and two
children.
Previous
army statements further said that 28 Israelis were either murdered in Hamas
captivity or killed on October 7, and their bodies are still being held by the
group. Hamas, for its part, has claimed in various videos and statements
published on its Telegram channel since October 7 that seven abductees were
killed in attacks by the Israeli army. Israel vehemently denies these
allegations and has derided them as psychological warfare.
According
to Hamas, three members of the Bibas family — 32-year-old Shiri and her two
children, 10-month-old Kfir and 4-year-old Ariel — were killed in Israeli
attacks. On Nov. 30, Hamas released a video showing the hostage Yarden Bibas,
the children’s father and Shiri’s husband, saying he has been told that his
wife and children were killed by Israeli bombing and asking the government to
return their bodies to Israel.
Hamas
also alleged that the 19-year-old soldier Tamir Nimrodi was killed by Israeli
bombing on Oct. 9. The three members of the Bibas family and Tamir Nimrodi are
still listed by the army as missing and not murdered.
On
Nov. 13, Hamas released a video claiming that the 19-year-old Israeli soldier
Noa Marciano had been killed in a bombing attack by the Israeli army. Six days
later, the IDF Spokesperson issued an unusual statement asserting that Marciano
had been abducted to a house near Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, and that
“during IDF attacks in the area the Hamas terrorist who was holding her was
killed, and Noa was wounded.” This is the only case in which the IDF
Spokesperson publicly stated that an Israeli airstrike hit a hostage.
According
to the IDF Spokesperson, an autopsy of Marciano’s body showed that the wound
from the Israeli strike did not kill her or endanger her life, and Hamas later
murdered her inside the hospital.
The
sixth hostage that Hamas alleges was killed in Israeli attacks is Aryeh
Zalmanovitch, an 85-year-old abductee from Kibbutz Nir Oz and the oldest of all
the hostages. Zalmanovich had diabetes, heart and kidney disease, and needed
medication to regulate blood pressure and a special diet. Other abductees from
Nir Oz, who were released from captivity, said that Zalmanovich died next to
them.
His
son Boaz said that according to testimonies from released hostages, his father
“did not receive the medicine and food he needed” in captivity, so as far as he
was concerned, Zalmanovich was murdered by Hamas. Hamas claimed in its video
that Zalmanovich died from panic due to Israeli bombing.
Finally,
on Dec. 9, Hamas claimed that Sahar Baruch, a 25-year-old civilian from Be’eri,
had been killed during an attempted rescue operation and that Israeli soldiers
were also killed during the rescue attempt. The army said two soldiers were
seriously injured during a failed rescue attempt, but denied that the operation
was intended to rescue Baruch. Be’eri announced the next day that Baruch had
been murdered in Hamas captivity. Sahar’s aunt said they “don’t really know how
it happened,” and that the report they received from the military “has no
details.”
Holding
civilians hostage, including women, children, and the elderly, is illegal under
international law. The status of the remaining Israeli hostages is unknown,
with Hamas refusing to allow the Red Cross to visit them. Israel has similarly
refused to allow the Red Cross to visit the thousands of Palestinians it has
arrested since October 7, according to prisoners’ rights groups, both in Gaza
and the West Bank. Palestinian prisoners — many of them incarcerated by
Israel’s occupying army under negligible charges or no charges at all, and who
could be slated for release in the event of another hostage exchange deal —
have also reported intensified crackdowns and abuses by Israeli prison
authorities since the war.
“We
have to chase after you and beg you [to make a deal],” Danny Elgarat, whose
brother Itzhak is still held captive in Gaza, said of the Israeli government at
Saturday’s Tel Aviv demonstration. “We are waiting to hear from you this very
night if you have some sort of outline, some deal. What are you waiting for?”
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