February
24, 2024
Iran’s
so-called axis of resistance is a loose network of proxies, Tehran-backed
militant groups, and an allied state actor.
The
network is a key element of Tehran’s strategy of deterrence against perceived
threats from the United States, regional rivals, and primarily Israel.
Active
in the Palestinian Occupied Territories, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, the
axis gives Iran the ability to hit its enemies outside its own borders while
allowing it to maintain a position of plausible deniability, experts say.
Since
the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran has played a key role in establishing some
of the groups in the axis. Other members have been co-opted by Tehran over the
years.
Iran
has maintained that around dozen separate groups that comprise the axis act
independently.
Tehran’s
level of influence over each member varies. But the goals pursued by each group
broadly align with Iran’s own strategic aims, which makes direct control
unnecessary, according to experts.
Lebanon’s
Hizballah
Hizballah
was established in 1982 in response to Israel’s invasion that year of Lebanon,
which was embroiled in a devastating civil war.
The
Shi’ite political and military organization was created by the Quds Force, the
overseas arm of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the elite
branch of the country’s armed forces.
Danny
Citrinowicz, a research fellow at the Iran Program at the Israel-based
Institute for National Security Studies, said Tehran’s aim was to unite
Lebanon’s various Shi’ite political organizations and militias under one
organization.
Since
it was formed, Hizballah has received significant financial and political
assistance from Iran, a Shi’a-majority country. That backing has made the group
a major political and military force in Lebanon.
“Iran
sees the organization as the main factor that will deter Israel or the U.S.
from going to war against Iran and works tirelessly to build the organization’s
power,” Citrinowicz said.
Hizballah
has around 40,000 fighters, according to the office of the U.S. Director of
National Intelligence. The State Department said Iran has armed and trained
Hizballah fighters and injected hundreds of millions of dollars in the group.
The
State Department in 2010 described Hizballah as “the most technically capable
terrorist group in the world.”
Citrinowicz
said Iran may not dictate orders to the organization but Tehran “profoundly
influences” its decision-making process.
He
described Hizballah, which is considered a terrorist organization by the United
States and the European Union, not as a proxy but “an Iranian partner managing
Tehran’s Middle East strategy.”
Led
by Hassan Nasrallah, Hizballah has developed close ties with other Iranian
proxies and Tehran-backed militant groups, helping to train and arm their
fighters.
Citrinowicz
said Tehran “almost depends” on the Lebanese group to oversee its relations
with other groups in the axis of resistance.
Hamas
Hamas,
designated a terrorist organization by the United States and the European
Union, has had a complex relationship with Iran.
Founded
in 1987 during the first Palestinian Intifada, or uprising, Hamas is an
offshoot of the Palestinian arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist
political organization established in Egypt in the 1920s.
Hamas’s
political chief is Ismail Haniyeh, who lives in Qatar. Its military wing, the
Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, is commanded by Yahya Sinwar, who is believed to
be based in the Gaza Strip. Hamas is estimated to have around 20,000 fighters.
For
years, Iran provided limited material support to Hamas, a Sunni militant group.
Tehran ramped up its financial and military support to the Palestinian group
after it gained power in the Gaza Strip in 2007.
But
Tehran reduced its support to Hamas after a major disagreement over the civil
war in Syria. When the conflict broke out in 2011, Iran backed the government
of President Bashar al-Assad. Hamas, however, supported the rebels seeking to
oust Assad.
Nevertheless,
experts said the sides overcame their differences because, ultimately, they
seek the same goal: Israel’s destruction.
“[But]
this does not mean that Iran is deeply aware of all the actions of Hamas,”
Citrinowicz said.
After
Hamas militants launched a multipronged attack on Israel in October that killed
around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, Iran denied it was involved in planning
the assault. U.S. intelligence has indicated that Iranian leaders were
surprised by Hamas’s attack.
Seyed
Ali Alavi, a lecturer in Middle Eastern and Iranian Studies at SOAS University
of London, said Iran’s support to Hamas is largely “confined to rhetorical and
moral support and limited financial aid.” He said Qatar and Turkey, Hamas’s
“organic” allies, have provided significantly more financial help to the
Palestinian group.
Palestinian
Islamic Jihad
With
around 1,000 members, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) is the smaller of the
two main militant groups based in the Gaza Strip and the closest to Iran.
Founded
in 1981, the Sunni militant group’s creation was inspired by Iran’s Islamic
Revolution two years earlier. Given Tehran’s ambition of establishing a
foothold in the Palestinian Occupied Territories, Iran has provided the group
with substantial financial backing and arms, experts say.
The
PIJ, led by Ziyad al-Nakhalah, is designated as a terrorist organization by the
United States and the European Union.
“Today,
there is no Palestinian terrorist organization that is closer to Iran than this
organization,” Citrinowicz said. “In fact, it relies mainly on Iran.”
Citrinowicz
said there is no doubt that Tehran’s “ability to influence [the PIJ] is very
significant.”
Iraqi
Shi’ite Militias
Iran
supports a host of Shi’ite militias in neighboring Iraq, some of which were
founded by the IRGC and “defer to Iranian instructions,” said Gregory Brew, a
U.S.-based Iran analyst with the Eurasia Group.
But
Tehran’s influence over the militias has waned since the U.S. assassination in
2020 of Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, who was seen as the architect of
the axis of resistance and held great influence over its members.
“The
dynamic within these militias, particularly regarding their relationship with
Iran, underwent a notable shift following the assassination of Qassem
Soleimani,” said Hamidreza Azizi, a fellow at the German Institute for
International and Security Affairs.
The
U.S. drone strike that targeted Soleimani also killed Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis,
the deputy head of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), an umbrella
organization of mostly Shi’ite Iran-backed armed groups that has been a part of
the Iraqi Army since 2016.
Muhandis
was also the leader of Kata’ib Hizballah, which was established in 2007 and is
one of the most powerful members of the PMF. Other prominent groups in the
umbrella include Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, Harakat al-Nujaba, Kata’ib Seyyed
al-Shuhada, and the Badr Organization. Kata’ib Hizballah has been designated as
a terrorist entity by the United States.
Following
the deaths of Soleimani and al-Muhandis, Kata’ib Hizballah and other militias
“began to assert more autonomy, at times acting in ways that could potentially
compromise Iran’s interests,” said Azizi.
Many
of the Iran-backed groups that form the PMF are also part of the so-called
Islamic Resistance in Iraq, which rose to prominence in November 2023. The
group has been responsible for launching scores of attacks on U.S. troops in
Iraq and Syria since Israel launched its war against Hamas in Gaza.
“It’s
important to note that while several militias within the PMF operate as Iran’s
proxies, this is not a universal trait across the board,” Azizi said.
Azizi
said the extent of Iran’s control over the PMF can fluctuate based on the
political conditions in Iraq and the individual dynamics within each militia.
The
strength of each group within the PMF varies widely, with some containing as
few as 100 members and others, such as Kata’ib Hizballah, boasting around
10,000 fighters.
Syrian
State And Pro-Government Militias
Besides
Iran, Syria is the only state that is a member of the axis of resistance.
“The
relationship between Iran and the Assad regime in Syria is a strategic alliance
where Iran’s influence is substantial but not absolute, indicating a balance
between dependency and partnership,” said Azizi.
The
decades-long alliance stems from Damascus’s support for Tehran during the
devastating 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War.
When
Assad’s rule was challenged during the Syrian civil war, the IRGC entered the
fray in 2013 to ensure he held on to power.
Hundreds
of IRGC commander and officers, who Iran refers to as “military advisers,” are
believed to be present in Syria. Tehran has also built up a large network of
militias, consisting mostly of Afghans and Pakistanis, in Syria.
Azizi
said these militias have given Iran “a profound influence on the country’s
affairs,” although not outright control over Syria.
“The
Assad regime maintains its strategic independence, making decisions that serve
its national interests and those of its allies,” he said.
The
Fatemiyun Brigade, comprised of Afghan fighters, and the Zainabiyun Brigade,
which is made up of Pakistani fighters, make up the bulk of Iran’s proxies in
Syria.
“They
are essentially units in the IRGC, under direct control,” said Brew.
The
Afghan and Pakistani militias played a key role in fighting rebel groups
opposed to Assad during the civil war. There have been reports that Iran has
not only granted citizenship to Afghan fighters and their families but also
facilitated Syrian citizenship for them.
The
Fatemiyun Brigade, the larger of the two, is believed to have several thousand
fighters in Syria. The Zainabiyun Brigade is estimated to have less than 1,000
fighters.
Yemen’s
Huthi Rebels
The
Huthis first emerged as a movement in the 1980s in response to the growing
religious influence of neighboring Saudi Arabia, a Sunni kingdom.
In
2015, the Shi’ite militia toppled the internationally recognized, Saudi-backed
government of Yemen. That triggered a brutal, yearslong Saudi-led war against
the rebels.
With
an estimated 200,000 fighters, the Huthis control most of the northwest of the
country, including the capital, Sanaa, and are in charge of much of the Red Sea
coast.
The
Huthis’ disdain for Saudi Arabia, Iran’s regional foe, and Israel made it a
natural ally of Tehran, experts say. But it was only around 2015 that Iran
began providing the group with training through the Quds Force and Hizballah.
Tehran has also supplied weapons to the group, though shipments are regularly
intercepted by the United States.
“The
Huthis…appear to have considerable autonomy and Tehran exercises only limited
control, though there does appear to be [a] clear alignment of interests,” said
Brew.
Since
Israel launched its war in Gaza, the Huthis have attacked international
commercial vessels in the Red Sea and fired ballistic missiles at several U.S.
warships.
In
response, the United States and its allies have launched air strikes against
the Huthis’ military infrastructure. Washington has also re-designated the
Huthis as a terrorist organization.
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