By: Steven Lee Myers
This is a biography of Vladimir
Putin, Russia’s most powerful government official. The title of the book is
supposed to imply Putin as a dictator, as all the Tsars were. This trend
continues throughout the book, although the character of this person, and his
desire to promote Russia to its former status, Soviet Union, is clearly
explained throughout the book.
The book is written by Steve Myers
who spent seven years as New York Times correspondent in Russia during the
presidency of Putin. The tale of this biography begins with the second world
war, when Putin’s father, Vladimir Spiridonovich was a soldier in that war. After
the birth of his third son in October 7, 1952, he named him Vladimir
Vladimirovich, the subject of this book.
Vladimir Vladimirovich was raised in
a family with limited education and low job skills. He was born after his two
older brothers died during the second world war, and when his mother reached
her forty-one years age. Putin’s mother had apparently religious beliefs, but
she could not practice it in the Soviet Union and had to keep her religious
beliefs to herself. Young Vladimir started attending school on the first of
September 1960 when he was almost eight years old. While he was attending
school, his father pressed him to take boxing, which he did but did not enjoy
it. After a short while however, he quit boxing and started learning sambo,
which is a combination of wrestling and judo. When he was sixteen years old, a
popular novel titled “The Shield and the Sword” was published in the Soviet
Union, and later a movie was made based on that novel. Both the novel and the
movie became very popular, and they were read and viewed by many Russians. The
hero of the book was a secret agent, an employee of KGB. That novel and the
movie influenced Putin so much that he changed his childhood wish to become a
sailor, or his father’s wish to become a pilot, and envisioned himself to be a
secret agent. One day, when he was coming back from school, in pursuing his
wish, he walked to the office of KGB and volunteered his services. However, he
was told that he was too young for KGB services, and he should finish his
schooling first. It is probable that KGB kept a note of this youngster’s
enthusiasm, as he was approached later to pursue his wishes. Therefore, and for
the time being, he continued his schooling and enjoyed his schoolwork along
with sports.
After finishing his high school, he
applied for the University of Leningrad in 1970. According to the book, one out
of every forty applicants would get admitted to that university, but he was
able to be accepted and enter law school. During the university years, he
experienced his first meaningful relationship with a medical student by the
name of Lyudmila Khmaina. We don’t know how long this relationship lasted
though, however at some point it had fallen apart. After he completed his
college, one day he was approached by a stranger who introduced himself as a
KGB agent, asking him if he was still interested to join the organization. This
was the beginning of his work for KGB in the summer of 1975, which continued
until Soviet Union was dissolved and his residence and work became a part of
Russian Republic.
Vladimir Putin completed KGB’s
academy as a lieutenant in the summer of 1976, and was assigned to work as a
counterintelligence officer. While he was still attending high school, he
learned German, which later in his career it became an asset. In fact, because
of that and many other assignments he performed as an intelligence agent, he
was promoted to a First Chief Directorate position, which according to the book
less than two percent of employees could move up to such position. Later in
1979, he was promoted to the position of a captain. Being single, he could not
get international assignments, as KGB preferred to send married employees
outside of the country.
In 1980, he met another Lyudmila, Lyudmila
Shkrebneva. They dated for three and a half years before they got married.
After nine years of work for KGB, he
was promoted to attend the elite school of foreign intelligence in Moscow. The
school was outside of Moscow in a forest area, and it still exists under a new
name, the Academy of Foreign Intelligence. His first daughter, Masha, was born
in 1985, while he was still attending the academy. After he was graduated, at the
age of thirty-three, he received his first foreign mission to Dresden, in East
Germany. In the fall of 1985, Lyudmila joined him, along with her daughter Masha,
and soon after they had their second daughter.
Putin’s office was responsible for
gathering intelligence, recruiting agents who had access to the West, and finding
travelers to the western part of Europe who would provide them with intelligent
materials on NATO. In 1987, he received a gold medal from Stasi chief. Putin
admired Soviet dissidents such as Sakharov, and remarked his joy after Sakharov
was released from exile. However, he felt that the system was cracking under
Gorbachev’s new policies of perestroika and glasnost.
It was on October 3, 1990, when
Germans broke the wall between the East and the West, and Germany became
unified. Putin was still working as an employee of KGB in East Germany. He was
in a precarious position, although he claimed to have sympathized with
protestors’ broad demands. On December 5, a crowed broke into the Stasi
compound. Putin was in command at the time with a few officers around him. In
order to prevent the crowed from entering KGB compound, he made a short speech
to protestors, warning them that if they moved further, they might endanger
their lives, as soldiers were ordered to shoot anyone entering the compound.
This was a risky speech, as there was no soldier to protect the compound and shoot
anyone, and by this announcement he made a calculated risk. Demonstrators believed
him and since they had planned a peaceful demonstration regardless, they dispersed.
Later, agents packed all the files to be sent to Russia, and Putin and his
family moved back, first to Moscow and then to Leningrad. At this time, after
sixteen years of service for KGB, Putin resigned from his post in 1991.
Boris Yeltsin became the president
of the new Russia. Putin became employed in mayoral office as his close friend
and colleague, Anatoly Sobchak, became the mayor of the second largest city in
Russia. Sobchak also became the second most popular political figure during
those turbulent years, after Yeltsin. As the mayor, Sobchak was the most
powerful person in Petersburg. Months later, however, his authoritative
tendencies and economic problems the city was facing, along with the changes he
was making to revamp the economy of the city by promoting casinos in a Las
Vegas style, made him unpopular. In fact, the city was facing huge shortages,
and many households’ needs had to be rationed.
Putin and a deputy by the name of
Anikin were responsible to contract out businesses. There was an investigation
afterwards to check the legality and fair negotiation on those contracts. Putin
and Anikin were not charged with any illegality, but “complete incompetence
bordering on bad faith” (P. 81). Some federal investigators checked the affair,
and Putin was tainted with scandals for the first time. However, he was
promoted to deputy mayor of Petersburg afterwards. Sobchak was keen in having
foreign businesses invest in the city, and companies such as Heineken, Pepsi,
Coca-Cola, Ford, and Wrigley got permission to open businesses in the city. “Putin
became a wheeler and dealer, brokering investments and refereeing business
disputes through personal connections, contracts, and threats” (P. 84).
Speaking of the new Russia during
Yeltsin’s presidency, after introducing capitalism to the economy, the economy
kept a downhill trend each year. Gross domestic national product fell by double
digits each year and early during Yeltsin’s presidency. He abolished Supreme
Soviets and the Congress, that resulted in a violent protest in Moscow on
October 2, 1993. Yeltsin sent the army and tanks to crush the demonstrators.
While Sobchak was the mayor, Putin
was very loyal to him and during all those years he was working very closely to
him. In the next election however, Sobchak lost the election, and Putin was out
of work. In June of 1996, Yeltsin narrowly won the presidency for another four
years. Putin helped Yeltsin’s reelection campaign in Petersburg. Luckily, in
October 1996 and soon after he was out of work, Putin received an offer to
oversee the legal department in Kremlin. He accepted the position and the
family moved to Moscow. Not long after they moved to Moscow, he received
another promotion to become the head of the Main Control Directorate, along
with deputy chief of staff in the presidential administration. The economy was
stabilizing in 1997, except the price of oil that surged, resulting a drain in
government’s reserves. In 1998, Yeltsin changed Putin’s position to the first
deputy director of the presidential administration. However, two months later
he was assigned to head FSB, which replaced Soviet’s KGB. “Putin had not been
long in Lubyanka when he found himself at the center of a public scandal
greater than any he had faced before” (P. 130). The story was that a group of
six ex-FSB employees, four of whom were wearing masks, appeared on TV and revealed
several crimes by FSB, including an order to murder a high-level businessman by
the name of Berezovsky. After investigating the incident and interviewing one
of the participants, Putin went on TV and negated those claims and even ridiculed
those FSB agents and stressed that everything in his agency was under control. This
is of course during the time that the political system is in a chaos, and
murder and kidnapping by various gangs is prominent all over Russia. It should
be mentioned, however, that the most damaging incident to Kremlin was the Chechen
war.
Rapid promotions of Putin to higher
positions had not been unnoticed. According to the book, it was mostly due to
his separate approach in various issues which was outside of the political
gangs created after the demise of the Soviet Union. Although he had respects
for Yeltsin, his approach in politics was honest and he seemed to represent a
new and an independent political view, as it is recorded in the book. There are
many positive characteristics noted about Putin in the book which are refreshing,
since there are many other phrases tarnishing his character. It is specifically
mentioned that there was at least one attempt by some Yeltsin opponents to receive
his cooperation in joining them in their various anti-Yeltsin collaborations,
which he refused. Yeltsin was constantly going to the hospital, and his health
was deteriorating. Putin noticed that, and since Yeltsin’s popularity was
failing, he could not envision another term for the president. He speculated
that by next election some other parties would win Yeltsin’s position, and he
would be out of job as well.
On December 14, 1999, five days
before the election, Yeltsin called Putin for a private talk in his residence. In
their meeting, Yeltsin confessed to Putin: “I want to step down this year,
Vladimir Vladimirovich … the new millennium must begin with a new political
era, the era of Putin” (P. 166). Putin who was shocked by Yeltsin’s offer and
was not prepared for that, replied that he was not ready to be responsible to
run the nation. Yeltsin explained to him how the country needed a fresh blood
and a young and energetic leader to face the new millennia. Yeltsin finally
convinced Putin to accept the position when he stepped down, and mentioned to
him that since the election time was near, Russian people could decide who
their leader would be. At the beginning hours of the new year, Yeltsin
addressed Russians of his decision to step down. Putin had his own televised
new year’s address, informing Russians that there would not be a power vacuum,
and promised to ensure restoration of law and order to the best of his ability.
From this point on, the book continues
with Putin as a president. It goes through all the global and Russian related
events, from the time Putin’s presidency begins in the new millennia, while all
the events of this period are explained in detail up to the date the book was
published in 2016. Putin’s efforts paid off when he was elected to the office
twice, and then he supported Medvedev for presidency, and again his own
presidency for another eight years. As it was mentioned earlier, the author of
this book attempts to present Putin with dictatorial ambitions. What the book
does not discuss is the attitude Yeltsin and Putin had towards the west,
considering their country the same as other NATO members, and hoping to become
a part of NATO organization. After the Soviet Union’s collapse, both Yeltsin
and Putin did everything in their powers to keep a friendly relationship with
other European countries and the United States, and to join them in their
political and economic adventures.
The book’s political vision matches what
United States’ officials claim about their foreign policies. Therefore, it does
not discuss the hegemonial behaviors of the United States towards other weaker
nations who were allies of the Soviet Union at some distant past. Russia was
not allowed to become a member of NATO, however most of the ex-Soviet countries
have since been entered into NATO, and Ukraine was to be the last one, which would
make Russia surrounded by NATO members. After the United States government extended
its supremacy militaristically into Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Suria, Somalia, and
Sudan, in the absence of Soviet Union and any other superpower, it became clear
to the world that the aim of the United States government was to extend its
hegemony worldwide. Since the political power in the United States is not the
White House, but the Military Industrial Complex, creating wars around the
world is always beneficial to such power. There is always a need for a constant
enemy in order to produce more military hardware, and Russia along with China
adequately fill such position. It took Putin some years to understand that Russia
could not be a friend of other Western States. He even made predictions during
Medvedev’s presidency that the uprisings in Libya and other nations were
supported by the West. He learned the hard way that his country was no longer a
superpower and would not be allowed to share such title with the existing
superpower. Of course, the book does not discuss this, as its theme is
identical to the policies of the United States, as it was mentioned earlier.
However, this book, The New Tsar, is
worth reading to learn about Vladimir Putin’s raise from a secret agent to presidency
and understand the history behind one of the world’s superpowers. A few global
incidents such as the fiasco of Snowden, Russia’s friendship with China, military
intrusion into Ukraine, and many other issues related to Russia and the world
surrounding it can also be comprehended through the paragraphs of this book. In
general, the book is very informative and illuminating.
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