March 28, 2024
“Unipolar” used to mean that the
United States was, at least in theory, alone in leading the world. Now
“unipolar” means that the United States is alone and isolated in opposition to
the world.
In global affairs, a hegemon is a
nation that leads because it has the consent of the other nations who believe
in its goals and values. The United States has recently demonstrated, though,
that it has given up any pretense of using its leadership to pursue the goals
of the global community, and instead is openly using the global community to
pursue its own goals.
In his new book, The Lost Peace,
Richard Sakwa explains the distinction between the pursuit of hegemony and the
pursuit of primacy. Primacy “entails predominance and the conscious attempt to
thwart the ambition of others.” In its recent performance at the United
Nations, the United States is performing, not out of hegemony as it usually
described, but out of primacy.
As a hegemon, the U.S. wields the
power to veto in the Security Council. But in the exercise of primacy, it has
recently used that veto to suppress the clearly expressed voice of the
international community.
After repeated American vetoes of
measures calling for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza, in a
desperate and seldom used move, on December 12, the General Assembly invoked
Resolution 377A in an attempt to circumvent U.S. leadership. It was the response
to what was perceived as America’s irresponsible use of its veto power as a
permanent member of the Security Council.
It does not matter that the vote was
on the war in Gaza, nor on whether you agree with the United States. What is
significant is the assumption by Washington of the role of roadblock and not
leader of the international will.
Article 377A first reminds the
permanent members of the Security Council that they are obliged to “to seek
unanimity and exercise restraint in the use of the veto” in pursuit of the
maintenance of international peace and security. It then gives the General
Assembly the right to make “appropriate recommendations to Members for
collective measures…to maintain or restore international peace and security”
when the Security Council “because of a lack of unanimity… fails to exercise
its primary responsibility.”
The world saw the United States, not
as a hegemon leading the world in the pursuit of unanimity, but as failing “to
exercise its primary responsibility” as a leader on the Security Council.
On March 25, the U.S. went one step
further and took a step toward becoming a rogue state who has supplanted
international law with its rules-based order. International law is grounded in
the charter system and the United Nations and is universally applicable. The
rules-based order is composed of unwritten laws whose source, consent, and
legitimacy are unknown. To the global majority, those unwritten laws have the
appearance of being invoked when they benefit the U.S. and its partners and not
being invoked when they don’t.
On March 25, the Security Council
passed a resolution demanding “an immediate ceasefire for the month of Ramadan
respected by all parties leading to a lasting sustainable ceasefire.” The
resolution was able to pass because the U.S. stood aside and let the other
fourteen Security Council members pass it by abstaining instead of vetoing.
But in her explanation of the
American abstention after the resolution passed, U.S. Ambassador to the UN
Linda Thomas-Greenfield “surprisingly” said that “we fully support some of the
critical objectives in this nonbinding resolution.”
Her claim that the Security Council
resolution was nonbinding was not an off script, impromptu comment. It is the
strategy of a country that enforces, not international law, but the U.S. led
rules-based order.
In a March 25 press briefing
following the vote and Thomas-Greenfield’s claim, White House National Security
Communications Advisor John Kirby called the resolution “nonbinding” no less
than four times. “Number one,” he said, “it’s a nonbinding resolution. So,
there’s no impact at all on Israel and Israel’s ability to continue to go after
Hamas.”
When asked by a reporter, “on the
binding thing, is it binding, nonbinding?” Kirby answered, “It’s a nonbinding
resolution.” When asked “a technical question” a second time to clarify if the
resolution was nonbinding, Kirby again said, “My understanding is it’s a
nonbinding resolation – resolution.”
At a State Department press briefing
the same day, department spokesperson Matt Miller also called the resolution
“nonbinding” three times.
All UN Security Council resolutions
are legally binding and have the status of international law. That is why UN
Secretary General António Guterres said, “This resolution must be implemented.
Failure would be unforgivable.” UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq explained
that, “All the resolutions of the Security Council are international law. They
are as binding as international laws.”
Others responded the same way to the
U.S. claim. On behalf of the ten elected members of the Security Council who
drafted the resolution, Pedro Comissario, Mozambique’s envoy to the United
Nations, said, “All United Nations Security Council resolutions are binding and
mandatory.” He then added, “It is the hope of the 10 that the resolution
adopted today will be implemented in good faith by all parties.”
The United Kingdom also did “not
share” the U.S. claim, prompting their envoy to the UN to say, “we expect all
Council resolutions to be implemented. This one is not any different. The
demands in the resolution are absolutely clear.” China, too, did not share the
U.S. evaluation. “China’s U.N. Ambassador Zhang Jun said Security Council
resolutions are binding.”
By judging Security Council
resolutions to be nonbinding and denying their status as being as binding as
international law, the United States has taken the next step from hegemony to
primacy to a rogue state that has undermined the foundational role of the
Security Council in the international order.
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