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Tuesday, January 28, 2025

Memo to Trump: How Dumping 2.2 Million more Palestinians on Jordan would Destabilize the Middle East even More than the Iraq War Did

Juan Cole
Ann Arbor (Informed Comment) – First, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his cabinet proposed ethnically cleansing Gaza of its Palestinian inhabitants in the fall of 2023, following many years of such calls from the Israeli equivalent of neo-Nazis.
 
Then last year Joe Biden and Antony Blinken, dissatisfied with merely enabling an ongoing Israeli genocide, picked up the ethnic cleansing project from the Israeli extreme Right and ran with it, pressing it on Egypt’s strongman Abdelfattah al-Sisi, who firmly told them to drop dead.
Then on Sunday President Trump said, “I’d like Egypt to take people, and I’d like Jordan to take people. You’re talking about probably a million and a half people, and we just clean out that whole thing. It is literally a demolition site right now, almost everything is demolished and people are dying there.” He said they could be moved “temporarily or could be long term.”
Not that Trump or anyone else in Washington, D.C., now cares, but the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, article 49, reads: “Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.” The same language was adopted into the Rome Statute that came into force in 2002 and underpins the International Criminal Court, so for Trump to follow through on his threat (that’s what it was) would open him to indictment as a war criminal. Sanctioning the judges won’t stop such an indictment, and indeed, would form the basis for a further grave charge against him.
The thing that I have never understood is why the Israeli far right even thinks this ethnic cleansing project would be a solution to anything.
Let us say that the people of Gaza were expelled to Jordan. It is a country of 11.5 million, about 7.7 million of them citizens (about 69%). The over 3 million others are Iraqi, Syrian, Lebanese and Palestinian refugees without Jordanian citizenship.
Jordan’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is only $53.57 billion, and its unemployment rate is 21% (Great Depression levels). Its nominal GDP per capita is a little over $4,000 a year per person, making it quite poor. It ranks 119th in the world on this measure. People in Fiji and Guatemala are richer.
The political elite of Jordan are the East Bank natives, who are loyal to the Hashemite monarchy of King Abdullah II. They make up half the citizen population. The other half of citizens are Palestinian refugees driven out of Palestine by Zionist militias in 1948 or by the Israeli army in 1967. Although they were granted citizenship on the whole, not all Palestinians were. And although they are citizens they typically are very poor and have sometimes had contentious relations with the king. In 1970-71 the East Bankers and the Palestinians fought a Civil War.
Jordan is a police state and so it is not easy to know what people actually think about their government, though all the indications are that they have low levels of trust in governmental institutions.
Jordanians are on the whole absolutely furious about Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, and last spring they surrounded the Israeli embassy. If public opinion counted for anything in the country, Amman would rescind its peace treaty with Israel and unrecognize it. Unlike Americans and Israelis, remember, Jordanians have seen the war unfold daily on their televisions and smartphones and it would have made anyone angry and upset to see the mangled bodies of 17,000 children.
So if you dumped 2.2 million Palestinians from Gaza into Jordan, there would be no jobs for them. The unemployment rate is already 21%. They would be raw and angry, likely not very happy about the Jordanian army silently looking on while they were genocided. They’d join 3.4 million Palestinian-Jordanian citizens and tens of thousands more Palestinian refugee non-citizens, who are among the poorest segments of the population.
So why wouldn’t there be another Black September, another Jordanian-Palestinian Civil War? And this time, who knows if the monarchy could survive?
If Jordan’s government were overthrown by Muslim fundamentalists, they’d have every reason to seek a union with Syria, also now ruled by fundamentalists, taking us back to before WW I when the European victors carved up the Ottoman Levant into Palestine, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. There could once again be a Greater Syria.
A Sunni fundamentalist state of over 35 million people, in close alliance with economically, scientifically and militarily advanced Turkey, could emerge as a major regional power. Over time it might even pick up Sunni Iraq, as ISIL did 2014-2017. And then it might get petroleum and emerge as an economically substantial regional power..
The displaced Hamas leaders could reemerge as cabinet ministers alongside HTS figures in Damascus, and would this time have a national army at their disposal.
So tell me, how would moving Palestinians to Jordan and destabilizing it and potentially the entire Levant be good for Israel or the United States?
Remember that Netanyahu also instructed the Bush administration to invade and occupy Iraq, promising paradise if they did so, and what we got was Shiite militias and ISIL, forcing the Pentagon into another 3-year campaign in the teens. The entire region is unstable and massive population movements would not help stabilize it, to say the least.
As for actually-existing Jordanians, all their branches of government angrily pushed back against Trump. Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi said, “As His Majesty has repeatedly made clear, such proposals are categorically unacceptable. We say no to displacement and no to compromising Palestinian rights.”
There is a final consideration, of how much like Stalin’s USSR Trump really wants America to be. I wrote in late 2023:
This blatant project of ethnic cleansing recalls the ways in which the dictators of the 1930s and 1940s moved around entire ethnic groups. Stalin displaced the Soviet Koreans to Uzbekistan or Siberia. I met some of their descendants in Tashkent in the mid-1990s. The exile of the Crimean Tartars is recognized by Ukraine as a war crime. Hundreds of thousands died in these paroxysms of ethnic cleansing. Hitler ethnically cleansed millions, as well, and at the end of the war there were 11 million displaced persons in Europe, 8 million in Germany.
 
Salman Abu Sitta
The war waged against the Palestinian people is the longest and most sustained in recent history. For over a hundred years, since the Balfour Declaration, a war of death and destruction has been waged against the Palestinian people in Palestine and wherever they reside, raining death and destruction on them.
The myth of Palestine as “a land without a people” in the 19th century has been converted into a Zionist plan of action to make it so; a ruined land with its people dead or expelled.
Since the creation of the Zionist colonial project of establishing Israel on the ruins of Palestine in 1948, I witnessed, indeed endured in my lifetime, three historical stations worthy of contemplation. The first station is 1948 (Al Nakba). The second station is 1967 (Al Naksa), the year of the Israeli invasion of Arab lands, known as the Six-Day War of 1967  and the third station is the present Genocide of 2023-2025.
These can be measured by three parameters: the area of the conquered territory, the number of killed or displaced people, and the level of destruction of their landscape.
Al-Nakba
In Al-Nakba of 1948, the Haganah, the forerunner of the Israeli army, invaded and conquered 20,500 km2 (including 1,400 km2 obtained through the British Mandate collusion). This territory was 78% of Palestine. In the course of ten months, 120,000 Israeli soldiers in 9 brigades carried out 31 military operations and attacked and depopulated 530 cities and villages. Their population, now 9 million people, are refugees living in exile since. Their landscape: houses, structures, and historical features were totally destroyed. On the three parameters, Israel – then just declared – scored full marks. Palestine became a land without a people.
On May 14, 1948, Israeli soldiers attacked and destroyed my village Al Ma’in, and expelled my family. I became a refugee and have been one since. On the same day, David Ben-Gurion declared the settlers’ state of Israel in Tel Aviv.
What was the world’s reaction? The Arab world was shocked at the impotence of its armies and the inaction of their leaders. In the following decade, between 1950 – 1960, two Arab leaders were assassinated, one was dethroned, two kingdoms were converted to republics, and one changed rulers several times.
The UN passed the famous Resolution 194, which calls for the refugees’ return, and established UNRWA for their relief. The Western world was totally oblivious to the plight of Palestinians, stripped of their historical patrimony by East Europeans who arrived at their shores in smugglers’ ships.
Al-Naksa
In the second historical station, the 1967 war, Israel occupied huge areas of Arab lands: the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), the Gaza Strip, the Sinai, the Golan Heights, and later, South Lebanon. The total area was some 68,000 km2 — or more than three times the area of the newly declared state of Israel.
In the early morning of June 5, 1967, I took the plane from Beirut to London. On arrival, I learned that it was the last plane to leave Beirut airport. I learned that Israel had waged an all-out war on several Arab countries. In the London hotel, I was in a daze. I saw the news of the fall of Jerusalem, al-Khalil (Hebron), Nablus, and Gaza. In the previous 19 years, we dreamed of going in the opposite direction, returning to Jaffa and Haifa and hundreds of villages. What was more devastating was the joy, the glee, the delighted crowds in the streets under my window celebrating our dashed hopes of freedom and branding us as the villains.
The human casualty was measurable: several hundred Egyptian soldiers laid in rows and were run over by Israeli tanks and 300,000 Palestinian refugees crossed the River Jordan and became refugees for a second time, now in Jordan.
The destruction included ripping up Egyptian railway lines to Palestine and other Egyptian installations in Sinai. Of the three parameters, the area conquered was by far the largest.
The world reaction was mute.
The (Western) world approved the Israeli attack as justified, but voted for UN Resolution 242, which called on Israel to withdraw from (all) occupied territory.
However, Israel gained unprecedented victory. Egypt opted out of the war against Israel by signing a peace treaty with it in 1979. Sadat, who signed it, was assassinated. Jordan did, too, by renouncing its rule over the West Bank. Both countries recognized Israel, indicating that the land neighboring their borders is not Palestinian, but Israeli.
That was the height of Israeli victory; a reward for its attacks, occupation, and massacres.
At that same moment, a dormant element in the equation, the absent party, was awakened. The Palestinian resistance movement was recognized in the form of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Palestine Parliament, or the Palestine National Council (PNC). In 1974, Arafat, as PLO leader, spoke at the UN.
The 1967 war was the embodiment of the Israeli claim to legitimacy, the West’s plain collusion with it, the failure of the Arab rulers, and the rise of the Palestinian role in defending themselves.
Of the three parameters, Israel conquered the largest territory, killed a number of people, and caused little permanent damage. It was a victory for foot soldiers.
The Gaza genocide
The third historical date, 2023- 2025, is still with us. It has new features and new dimensions.
Of its three parameters, the devastation and the scale of destruction are unprecedented, even compared with WWII. The Gaza Strip, where 2.3 million Palestinians, most of them refugees, lived in 365 km2 (1.3% of Palestine), has become a literal pile of rubble. The human loss of life is unprecedented. An estimated 200,000 have been killed and injured, but the true number is not yet known. Still, that would equate to 35 million Americans on a U.S. scale. But in the course of 15 months, Israel gained no new territory. This is a remarkable departure from previous historical records and even a reversal of previous precedents.
The same, to a lesser degree, was seen on the Lebanon and Syria fronts: maximum destruction, massive loss of life, and little gained territory.
Why is this?
The last Israeli war was a war conducted online: through F35 cockpits or by drones sent by a click on computer boards in air-conditioned rooms. The Israeli foot soldier is largely absent. There were no boots on the ground.
That was for a reason. Video clips from Gaza showed Israelis moving only in tanks with F35s above. When soldiers ventured out, they were shot down by Palestinian snipers, killing some, while others ran away. We have seen social media videos of Israeli soldiers dragged to the Gaza front. The myth of the invincible Israeli army has been shattered, while the blood of slain women and children has forever erased the myth of “the most moral army” in the world.
The Gaza genocide took unusual dimensions beyond the mass murder of civilians: it is the torture of the living. Israel starved the children, denying them water, milk, and food, and inflicted attacks causing the amputation of the limbs of thousands of children. Their families lived in torn tents in the mud under the rain. Israel killed or humiliated doctors by parading them naked and imprisoning them. Israel destroyed all the structures supporting life in Gaza.
Then comes Trump’s call for yet another ethnic cleansing of Gaza, a seal of approval for the incomplete genocide of Gaza. 
But it is the world’s reaction that has been among the most surprising and most welcome after the recent genocide.
As a child during al-Nakba, I can hardly recall anybody in the world knowing about us. The Western world was busy celebrating the victory of the righteous few over the savage many, who denied them “the right to recover their 2,000-year-old home.”
During the 1967 war and after, the hostility in the West against us was no less than the Israeli massacres on the ground. It took Edward Said more than ten years to get recognition for his book, Orientalism, which described Western prejudice.
Today, social media has broken all barriers. Young people in over 150 universities spoke the truth long concealed. The young people are the first to expose hypocrisy by shouting, “The Emperor has no clothes!” Streets in world cities, even in Western countries, are filled with weekly demonstrations against the Israeli genocide.
The UN issued one resolution after another during this period. The ICC and ICJ issued unprecedented judgments against Israeli war criminals.
But the Israeli society in occupied Palestine in 1948 and 1967 is still oblivious to the real world. They still want Gaza and its people to be eliminated, with the dream of building beach houses on Gaza’s shores. Trump’s daydream of emptying Gaza and dumping its people in Egypt and Jordan, at the behest of his son-in-law Jared Kushner,  echoes the same desire. It qualifies him to be presented at the Hague for war crime intent.
However, many Jews in the West changed their mind. They saw the ugliness of Israeli crimes and spoke about it. They gathered courage in increasing numbers to denounce Israel and Zionism. The whole world now sees Israel exposed as it is: a criminal colonial project.
Can this flood of support for Palestine across the world overcome the residual blind support for Israel in the United States, the UK, and Germany? Time will tell.
The lesson Israel refuses to learn
The glee and joy shared among the absolute majority of Israelis at the death and destruction in Gaza and the calls for more are sure signs of a sick Israeli society that is dangerous to the world. Indeed, these dimensions of Israeli crimes will be an indelible mark in Jewish history, superseding any in their past.
But also, the sight of tens of thousands of Palestinians pushed to the south of Gaza now trying to return to the north after the ceasefire, carrying their belongings on their backs, waiting for the news of the release of one hostage, to return to the rubble in the north which was their home, will also be indelible in the Zionist records.
The lesson that the war criminals have never learned is the resilience of the Palestinian people. The innocent lives we have lost and our daily suffering beyond description are the price we have paid, and are paying, for a singular aim we have maintained for 76 years: the Right to Return home. This return home includes even returning to a previous refuge in a refugee camp on the soil of Palestine, if not yet to the historical home in Palestine before 1948.
This lesson is incomprehensible to the war criminals, but this calling is the fuel to the survival of the Palestinians. For Palestinians, the Right of Return is and will always be the issue.
I recall a letter sent by a Quaker relief agent in Gaza as early as October 12, 1949, to his office in Philadelphia. He wrote:
“Above all else, they desire to go home—back to their lands. This desire naturally continues to be the strongest demand they make; sixteen months of exile has not diminished it. Without it, they would have nothing for which to live. It is expressed in many ways and forms every day. “Why keep us alive” — is one expression of it. It is as genuine and deep as a man’s longing for his home can be.” 
This remains the same 76 years later today. 
The inevitably of Return
A reviewer of Palestine’s history will come to the conclusion that the Right of Return must be inevitably implemented and the Palestinians shall return home. This right is sacred to any Palestinian, legal in every line of international law, and feasible when implemented. In the studies we made over the years, in figures and maps, we showed it is feasible with minimum displacement of peaceful Jews. The study showed that 88% of Israeli Jews live in 7% of Israel or 1400 km2. The rest is held by the kibbutzim to prevent the return of the refugees and mainly by the Israeli army. When Zionism is abolished, most refugees can return home to their emptied land.
This case is more striking in Gaza. Gaza refugees were expelled from 247 villages in the southern half of Palestine by scores of massacres. They live in Gaza concentration camps at a density of 8,000 persons per km2. When north Gaza was pushed by Israel to the south, the density became 20,000 persons/km2, a hell on earth.
Only 150,000 settlers live on their land in the kibbutzim at a density of 7 persons per km2. Some of those were taken hostage on October 7.
These comparative figures shake the foundation of any justice.
So, will Return be achieved?
The struggle of the Palestinians will no doubt continue. The popular world support will continue but may fade unless solidified in organizations. The colonial West will continue to feed bombs, money, and political support to Israel.
But the worst present enemy of Palestinians lies in an unexpected corner: the Arab rulers. Not only have they recently failed Palestinians on every occasion, but they frequently acted with Israel against them and against the wish of their own people.
My prediction is that, just like after 1948, the Arab people will respond accordingly in their countries.
At our doorstep, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has acted plainly as a Palestinian quisling, a plain agent of the enemy. It is not surprising that the West and Arab rulers prevented, by threats and bribes, the election of a new Palestinian National Council representing 14 million Palestinians, two-thirds of whom were born after the ill-fated Oslo Accords. True representations of the Palestinians must take place.
But as any Palestinian will tell you, we never lose hope nor give up our struggle for freedom. If you do not believe me, look at Gaza in the last 15 months. Look at Gaza in the next ten years, when 18,000 orphans today join the resistance movement.

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