October 18, 2025
Mitchell Plitnick
Joe Biden negotiated one ceasefire in November 2023 and had a hand in the second in January 2025. But neither of these was ever seriously expected to end Israel’s wholesale slaughter of Palestinian civilians, and they didn’t. Trump’s current effort may fail as well, but it was imposed on Israel as a permanent end to this chapter of Israel’s ongoing war on the Palestinians.
Advocates for Palestinian rights insisted from the start that one phone call, with the president threatening the flow of weapons to Israel, would have ended the genocide. That was true, but it is also true that the president of the United States has other tools at their disposal, with the cutoff of arms to Israel, though obviously desirable in and of itself, representing something of a political “nuclear option.”
It didn’t matter because Biden was clear in his refusal to use any tools to stop Israel’s genocide. His vice president, Kamala Harris—who would eventually replace Biden as the Democratic nominee in the 2024 election—never indicated the slightest disagreement with Biden regarding that policy.
Rumors were dropped during Harris’ campaign that she felt that Biden should have expressed more empathy with the suffering of Palestinians. But even those whispers hinted at no policy disagreements, and everything she did during the campaign—from her infamous “I’m speaking now” declaration in the face of anti-genocide protests to her refusal to allow even the most moderate Palestinian voice to be heard at the Democratic National Convention—reinforced the perception that she was in lockstep with Biden’s indifference to Palestinian lives.
That’s not to suggest that Trump has any more concern for Palestinians than Biden or Harris. Trump’s willingness to press hard on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for a ceasefire was motivated by his anger over Netanyahu’s attack on Hamas negotiators in Qatar, a country that had lavished gifts and massive investment opportunities on Trump and his family, thereby ingratiating itself with the corrupt president. It was certainly not done out of sympathy for Palestinians.
Regardless of the motives, however, Trump proved once again that when an American president makes a firm demand of Israel, he cannot be ignored. Biden knew that, too. It just didn’t matter to him because he didn’t want Israel to stop.
For those who might think that an overstatement of Biden’s obsessive Zionism and utter disdain for Palestinian lives, consider the words of Israeli activist and well-known negotiator, Gershon Baskin.
Writing on his Facebook page in the wake of Trump’s ceasefire, Baskin, who has maintained strong connections with Israeli, Palestinian (including Hamas), and American interlocutors over the years, tells us,
Mitchell Plitnick
Trump’s
flawed ceasefire plan has opened a door for Democrats to amend their shameful
failure to end the Gaza genocide. But it requires doing something few Democrats
have been willing to do: support Palestinian rights.
While Donald Trump’s ceasefire in
Gaza is appearing shakier by the day, the fact that he was able to impose it
remains significant. Its greatest significance is, of course, that it has
allowed the people of Gaza some respite from the bulk of the Israeli onslaught,
even though Israel has not completely stopped its aggression. It has also
allowed for an increase in the amount of humanitarian aid that is reaching the
people of Gaza, even if Israel continues to renege on its agreements and is
restricting the aid more than was agreed upon.
A longer-term and more distant
consequence is the continuing impact of Gaza on American politics. Trump’s
imposition of even this modicum of a ceasefire has embarrassed his Democratic
predecessor and his 2024 rival, both of whom stubbornly refused to even
threaten pressure on Israel to end its genocide.Joe Biden negotiated one ceasefire in November 2023 and had a hand in the second in January 2025. But neither of these was ever seriously expected to end Israel’s wholesale slaughter of Palestinian civilians, and they didn’t. Trump’s current effort may fail as well, but it was imposed on Israel as a permanent end to this chapter of Israel’s ongoing war on the Palestinians.
Advocates for Palestinian rights insisted from the start that one phone call, with the president threatening the flow of weapons to Israel, would have ended the genocide. That was true, but it is also true that the president of the United States has other tools at their disposal, with the cutoff of arms to Israel, though obviously desirable in and of itself, representing something of a political “nuclear option.”
It didn’t matter because Biden was clear in his refusal to use any tools to stop Israel’s genocide. His vice president, Kamala Harris—who would eventually replace Biden as the Democratic nominee in the 2024 election—never indicated the slightest disagreement with Biden regarding that policy.
Rumors were dropped during Harris’ campaign that she felt that Biden should have expressed more empathy with the suffering of Palestinians. But even those whispers hinted at no policy disagreements, and everything she did during the campaign—from her infamous “I’m speaking now” declaration in the face of anti-genocide protests to her refusal to allow even the most moderate Palestinian voice to be heard at the Democratic National Convention—reinforced the perception that she was in lockstep with Biden’s indifference to Palestinian lives.
That’s not to suggest that Trump has any more concern for Palestinians than Biden or Harris. Trump’s willingness to press hard on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for a ceasefire was motivated by his anger over Netanyahu’s attack on Hamas negotiators in Qatar, a country that had lavished gifts and massive investment opportunities on Trump and his family, thereby ingratiating itself with the corrupt president. It was certainly not done out of sympathy for Palestinians.
Regardless of the motives, however, Trump proved once again that when an American president makes a firm demand of Israel, he cannot be ignored. Biden knew that, too. It just didn’t matter to him because he didn’t want Israel to stop.
For those who might think that an overstatement of Biden’s obsessive Zionism and utter disdain for Palestinian lives, consider the words of Israeli activist and well-known negotiator, Gershon Baskin.
Writing on his Facebook page in the wake of Trump’s ceasefire, Baskin, who has maintained strong connections with Israeli, Palestinian (including Hamas), and American interlocutors over the years, tells us,
“Hamas agreed to the same terms in September 2024…But at the time, the response of Israeli negotiators was that ‘the Prime Minister does not agree to end the war.’ Even though the proposed ‘three-week deal’ reached President Biden’s office, his envoy Brett McGurk refused to mention the bad deal he was negotiating. I met with members of the US negotiating team in October 2024 and they were as frustrated as I was by their inability to persuade Biden and his advisors to seriously consider the deal.”
There’s little ambiguity here.
Biden never intended to push Netanyahu to do anything he didn’t want to do.
Harris apologists, rather than joining the effort to get her to shift her stance on Gaza so that Trump could be defeated, argued that Trump would be even worse for Palestine than Biden had been. That argument has aged very poorly.
For the first nine months of Trump’s second term, one could make the case that Trump was at least as bad as Biden on Palestine, or even worse. Although the vast majority of death and destruction in Gaza happened early in Israel’s onslaught, some Israeli steps during Trump’s administration—such as the complete elimination of all aid into the Strip for more than two months—were intensifications of existing Israeli policy that greatly increased the suffering in Gaza.
But Trump used some of the tools at the president’s disposal, something Biden refused to do. Kamala Harris gave every indication she would follow her former boss’s example.
A clear political avenue for Democrats
It’s important not to lose focus on the fact that Trump’s 20-Point Plan is a recipe for institutionalized apartheid, subjugation of the Palestinians, and exploitation of Palestine by both Western and Arab states. While it goes against the most extreme plans of the Israeli far-right for the moment, it still offers nothing to the Palestinians beyond the hope that the last two years of genocide will stop.
Yet even this opens a door for the Democrats to take Palestine policy and turn it from an electoral embarrassment to an advantage. But it requires doing something only a very few members of the Democratic Party have ever been willing to do: support universal and equal rights in Palestine and Israel.
Trump’s ceasefire plan is already starting to fray, and its longer-term aspirations are utterly hopeless. As it becomes more obvious to the public that it has failed, Democrats will have the chance to seize the momentum.
The foundations are already there for them to do it. Israel has roundly rejected the Democratic Party. Despite Biden’s full partnership in every aspect of the genocide, and contrary to the views of most American Jews, Netanyahu fully backed Trump.
Democratic voters noticed. An October 3 Pew Research poll of Americans found that 33% believe we are giving Israel too much aid, while only 23% think we are giving the right amount and only 8% say it is not enough.
Just 18% of Democrats have a favorable view of the Israeli government, according to the Pew poll.
It’s not news that Democratic voters have a dim view of Israel as it is presenting itself now. While most liberal and moderate voters continue to distinguish between the Israeli people and the government, that distinction is inevitably going to blur the more Americans come to understand how much of the Israeli Jewish population—both supporters of the government and of the opposition—supports the oppression of Palestinians.
Israel made its choice and has chosen a rejection of not only progressive values, but liberal and even centrist ones as well. Democratic voters have also made it clear that they want a party that opposes the oppression of Palestinians, and does so with impactful policy, not mere empty rhetoric about “empathy.”
The evidence is strong that Democrats’ callous and racist attitude toward the Palestinians lost them the 2024 election. Changing that position and acting on that change could be the key to overcoming the considerable obstacles in 2026 and 2028 that Republicans are putting up right now.
Will the Democrats seize the moment?
It’s difficult to be optimistic about the Democrats’ ability to understand these political trends in the face of campaign money. New Jersey Senator Cory Booker, for example, can’t even utter any criticism of Netanyahu, and for good reason: he is already flush with AIPAC cash for the next election cycle. Indeed, his war chest is so big (from many sources, including a lot that are far bigger than AIPAC) that no Democrat or Republican has yet emerged to challenge him next year.
But there are signs that Democrats might be starting to catch on.
Kamala Harris seems to have begun to recognize what a mistake she made. In an interview on October 12, Harris was asked if she considered what Israel had done in Gaza a genocide, she responded, “I will tell you that when you look at the number of children that have been killed, the number of innocent civilians that have been killed, the refusal to give aid and support, we should all step back and ask this question and be honest about it, yeah.”
That stops well short of an honest answer or an admission that she took Gaza far too lightly when she was vice president and in the 2024 race. But it is also a shift from her campaign rhetoric. Harris is allowing that the question is a legitimate one. That reflects a growing understanding that Democrats will have to change their attitude toward Israel and Palestine dramatically if they hope to succeed in future elections.
Rep. Seth Moulton (D-MA), a centrist Democrat always known as pro-Israel, announced on Thursday that he would be returning $35,000 that AIPAC had donated to his run at a Senate seat. In Michigan, a Democratic candidate for Senate, Mallory McMorrow, joined two of her opponents in refusing AIPAC’s endorsement or money, although she had only recently been praised by the lobby group.
AIPAC’s most recent propaganda tour to Israel, which is usually a must for all but the most progressive of new members of Congress, attracted only 11 of 33 first-term congresspeople.
A recent New York Times report spoke in near-panicked tones about the loss of AIPAC’s influence among Democrats, and even AIPAC’s spokesperson could only echo bland talking points in an attempt to deny reality.
There is a clear avenue opening for Democrats on this issue. Even if the ceasefire in Gaza holds, the passing weeks and months will undoubtedly demonstrate how short-sighted and ill-conceived Trump’s broader plan for Gaza is. It was crafted completely without Palestinian input and reflects no respect for Palestinian rights or any real hope for Palestinian self-determination.
It will fail; there can be no real doubt about that. Democrats will have the opportunity to capitalize on that if they choose to finally come around to supporting Palestinian rights.
But it won’t be effective unless they recognize and hold themselves accountable for refusing to take the actions Trump has taken to end the genocide. Vague, tiny steps away from the anti-Palestinian hate they have expressed will not suffice. There will need to be a clear reversal of their position and, as far as such things are ever possible in politics, an admission that they got it wrong.
Supporters of Palestinian rights have no illusions about Donald Trump’s or the Republicans’ willingness to respect those rights. They are waiting eagerly for someone to take the lead on making Palestinian rights a priority in Mideast policy.
Democrats have their chance. They need to be pushed hard to make something of it.
Harris apologists, rather than joining the effort to get her to shift her stance on Gaza so that Trump could be defeated, argued that Trump would be even worse for Palestine than Biden had been. That argument has aged very poorly.
For the first nine months of Trump’s second term, one could make the case that Trump was at least as bad as Biden on Palestine, or even worse. Although the vast majority of death and destruction in Gaza happened early in Israel’s onslaught, some Israeli steps during Trump’s administration—such as the complete elimination of all aid into the Strip for more than two months—were intensifications of existing Israeli policy that greatly increased the suffering in Gaza.
But Trump used some of the tools at the president’s disposal, something Biden refused to do. Kamala Harris gave every indication she would follow her former boss’s example.
A clear political avenue for Democrats
It’s important not to lose focus on the fact that Trump’s 20-Point Plan is a recipe for institutionalized apartheid, subjugation of the Palestinians, and exploitation of Palestine by both Western and Arab states. While it goes against the most extreme plans of the Israeli far-right for the moment, it still offers nothing to the Palestinians beyond the hope that the last two years of genocide will stop.
Yet even this opens a door for the Democrats to take Palestine policy and turn it from an electoral embarrassment to an advantage. But it requires doing something only a very few members of the Democratic Party have ever been willing to do: support universal and equal rights in Palestine and Israel.
Trump’s ceasefire plan is already starting to fray, and its longer-term aspirations are utterly hopeless. As it becomes more obvious to the public that it has failed, Democrats will have the chance to seize the momentum.
The foundations are already there for them to do it. Israel has roundly rejected the Democratic Party. Despite Biden’s full partnership in every aspect of the genocide, and contrary to the views of most American Jews, Netanyahu fully backed Trump.
Democratic voters noticed. An October 3 Pew Research poll of Americans found that 33% believe we are giving Israel too much aid, while only 23% think we are giving the right amount and only 8% say it is not enough.
Just 18% of Democrats have a favorable view of the Israeli government, according to the Pew poll.
It’s not news that Democratic voters have a dim view of Israel as it is presenting itself now. While most liberal and moderate voters continue to distinguish between the Israeli people and the government, that distinction is inevitably going to blur the more Americans come to understand how much of the Israeli Jewish population—both supporters of the government and of the opposition—supports the oppression of Palestinians.
Israel made its choice and has chosen a rejection of not only progressive values, but liberal and even centrist ones as well. Democratic voters have also made it clear that they want a party that opposes the oppression of Palestinians, and does so with impactful policy, not mere empty rhetoric about “empathy.”
The evidence is strong that Democrats’ callous and racist attitude toward the Palestinians lost them the 2024 election. Changing that position and acting on that change could be the key to overcoming the considerable obstacles in 2026 and 2028 that Republicans are putting up right now.
Will the Democrats seize the moment?
It’s difficult to be optimistic about the Democrats’ ability to understand these political trends in the face of campaign money. New Jersey Senator Cory Booker, for example, can’t even utter any criticism of Netanyahu, and for good reason: he is already flush with AIPAC cash for the next election cycle. Indeed, his war chest is so big (from many sources, including a lot that are far bigger than AIPAC) that no Democrat or Republican has yet emerged to challenge him next year.
But there are signs that Democrats might be starting to catch on.
Kamala Harris seems to have begun to recognize what a mistake she made. In an interview on October 12, Harris was asked if she considered what Israel had done in Gaza a genocide, she responded, “I will tell you that when you look at the number of children that have been killed, the number of innocent civilians that have been killed, the refusal to give aid and support, we should all step back and ask this question and be honest about it, yeah.”
That stops well short of an honest answer or an admission that she took Gaza far too lightly when she was vice president and in the 2024 race. But it is also a shift from her campaign rhetoric. Harris is allowing that the question is a legitimate one. That reflects a growing understanding that Democrats will have to change their attitude toward Israel and Palestine dramatically if they hope to succeed in future elections.
Rep. Seth Moulton (D-MA), a centrist Democrat always known as pro-Israel, announced on Thursday that he would be returning $35,000 that AIPAC had donated to his run at a Senate seat. In Michigan, a Democratic candidate for Senate, Mallory McMorrow, joined two of her opponents in refusing AIPAC’s endorsement or money, although she had only recently been praised by the lobby group.
AIPAC’s most recent propaganda tour to Israel, which is usually a must for all but the most progressive of new members of Congress, attracted only 11 of 33 first-term congresspeople.
A recent New York Times report spoke in near-panicked tones about the loss of AIPAC’s influence among Democrats, and even AIPAC’s spokesperson could only echo bland talking points in an attempt to deny reality.
There is a clear avenue opening for Democrats on this issue. Even if the ceasefire in Gaza holds, the passing weeks and months will undoubtedly demonstrate how short-sighted and ill-conceived Trump’s broader plan for Gaza is. It was crafted completely without Palestinian input and reflects no respect for Palestinian rights or any real hope for Palestinian self-determination.
It will fail; there can be no real doubt about that. Democrats will have the opportunity to capitalize on that if they choose to finally come around to supporting Palestinian rights.
But it won’t be effective unless they recognize and hold themselves accountable for refusing to take the actions Trump has taken to end the genocide. Vague, tiny steps away from the anti-Palestinian hate they have expressed will not suffice. There will need to be a clear reversal of their position and, as far as such things are ever possible in politics, an admission that they got it wrong.
Supporters of Palestinian rights have no illusions about Donald Trump’s or the Republicans’ willingness to respect those rights. They are waiting eagerly for someone to take the lead on making Palestinian rights a priority in Mideast policy.
Democrats have their chance. They need to be pushed hard to make something of it.
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