June
5, 2023
There
is a much less centralized network of factors which tips the scales of media
coverage to the advantage of the U.S. empire and the forces which benefit from
it.
If
you watch western news media with a critical eye you eventually notice how
their reporting consistently aligns with the interests of the U.S.-centralized
empire, in almost the same way you’d expect them to if they were government-run
propaganda outlets.
The
New York Times has reliably supported every war the U.S. has waged. Western
mass media focus overwhelmingly on foreign protests against governments the
United States dislikes while paying far less attention to widespread protests
against U.S.-aligned governments. The only time Trump was universally showered
with praise by the mass media was when he bombed Syria, while the only time
Biden has been universally slammed by the mass media was when he withdrew from
Afghanistan.
U.S.
media did such a good job deceitfully marrying Saddam Hussein to the September
11 attacks in the minds of the public in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq
that seven in ten Americans still believed he was connected to 9/11 months
after the war began.
That
this extreme bias occurs is self-evident and indisputable to anyone who pays
attention, but why and how it happens is harder to see. The uniformity is so
complete and so consistent that when people first begin noticing these patterns
it’s common for them to assume the media must be controlled by a small,
centralized authority much like the state media of more openly authoritarian
governments. But if you actually dig into the reasons why the media act the way
they act, that isn’t really what you find.
Instead,
what you find is a much larger, much less centralized network of factors which
tips the scales of media coverage to the advantage of the U.S. empire and the
forces which benefit from it. Some of it is indeed conspiratorial in nature and
happens in secret, but most of it is essentially out in the open.
Here
are 15 of those factors.
1.
Media ownership.
The
most obvious point of influence in the mass media is the fact that such outlets
tend to be owned and controlled by plutocrats whose wealth and power are built
upon the status quo they benefit from.
Jeff
Bezos owns The Washington Post, which he bought in 2013 from the
also-immensely-wealthy Graham family. The New York Times has been run by the
same family for over a century. Rupert Murdoch owns a vast international media
empire whose success is largely owed to the U.S. government agencies with whom
he is closely intertwined.
Owning
media has in and of itself historically been an investment that can generate
immense wealth — “like having a license to print your own money” as Canadian
television magnate Roy Thomson once put it.
Does
this mean that wealthy media owners are standing over their employees and
telling them what to report from day to day? No. But it does mean they control
who will run their outlet, which means they control who will be doing the
hiring of its executives and editors, who control the hiring of everyone else
at the outlet.
Rupert
Murdoch probably never stood in the newsroom announcing the talking points and
war propaganda for the day, but you’ve got a snowball’s chance in hell of
securing a job with the Murdoch press if you’re known as a flag-burning
anti-imperialist.
Which
takes us to another related point:
2.
‘If you believed something different, you wouldn’t be sitting where you’re
sitting.’
In
a contentious 1996 discussion between Noam Chomsky and British journalist
Andrew Marr, Chomsky derided the false image that mainstream journalists have
of themselves as “a crusading profession” who are “adversarial” and “stand up
against power,” saying it’s almost impossible for a good journalist to do so in
any meaningful way in the mass media of the western world.
“How
can you know that I’m self-censoring?” Marr objected. “How can you know that
journalists are-”
“I’m
not saying you’re self-censoring,” Chomsky replied. “I’m sure you believe
everything you’re saying. But what I’m saying is that if you believed something
different, you wouldn’t be sitting where you’re sitting.”
In
a 1997 essay, Chomsky added that “the point is that they wouldn’t be there
unless they had already demonstrated that nobody has to tell them what to write
because they are going to say the right thing anyway.”
3.
Journalists learn pro-establishment groupthink without being told.
This
“you wouldn’t be sitting where you’re sitting” effect isn’t just some personal
working theory of Chomsky’s; journalists who’ve spent time in the mass media
have publicly acknowledged that this is the case in recent years, saying that
they learned very quickly what kinds of output will help and hinder their
movement up the career ladder without needing to be explicitly told.
During
his second presidential primary run in 2019, Senator Bernie Sanders enraged the
mass media with some comments he made accusing the Washington Post of biased
reporting against him.
Sanders’
claim was entirely correct; during the hottest and most tightly contested point
in the 2016 presidential primary, Fairness and Accuracy In Reporting noted that
WaPo had published no fewer than sixteen smear pieces about Sanders in the span
of sixteen hours. Sanders pointing out this blatantly obvious fact sparked an
emotional controversy about bias in the media which yielded a few quality
testimonials from people in the know.
Among
these were former MSNBC reporter Krystal Ball and former Daily Caller White
House correspondent Saagar Enjeti, who explained the subtle pressures to adhere
to a groupthink orthodoxy that they’d experienced in a segment with The Hill’s
online show Rising.
“There
are certain pressures to stay in good with the establishment to maintain the
access that is the life blood of political journalism,” Ball said in the
segment.
“So what do I mean? Let me give an example
from my own career since everything I’m saying here really frankly applies to
me too. Back in early 2015 at MSNBC I did a monologue that some of you may have
seen pretty much begging Hillary Clinton not to run. I said her elite ties were
out of step with the party and the country, that if she ran she would likely be
the nominee and would then go on to lose.
No one censored me, I was allowed to say
it, but afterwards the Clinton people called and complained to the MSNBC top
brass and threatened not to provide any access during the upcoming campaign. I
was told that I could still say what I wanted, but I would have to get any
Clinton-related commentary cleared with the president of the network. Now being
a human interested in maintaining my job, I’m certain I did less critical
Clinton commentary after that than I maybe otherwise would have.”
“This
is something that a lot of people don’t understand,” said Enjeti.
“It’s not necessarily that somebody tells
you how to do your coverage, it’s that if you were to do your coverage that
way, you would not be hired at that institution. So it’s like if you do not
already fit within this framework, then the system is designed to not give you
a voice. And if you necessarily did do that, all of the incentive structures
around your pay, around your promotion, around your colleagues that are
slapping you on the back, that would all disappear. So it’s a system of
reinforcement, which makes it so that you wouldn’t go down that path in the
first place.”
“Right,
and again, it’s not necessarily intentional,” Ball added. “It’s that those are
the people that you’re surrounded with, so there becomes a groupthink. And
look, you are aware of what you’re going to be rewarded for and what you’re
going to be punished for, or not rewarded for, like that definitely plays in
the mind, whether you want it to or not, that’s a reality.”
During
the same controversy, former MSNBC producer Jeff Cohen published an article in
Salon titled “Memo to mainstream journalists: Can the phony outrage; Bernie is
right about bias” in which he described the same “groupthink” experience:
“It happens because of groupthink. It
happens because top editors and producers know — without being told — which
issues and sources are off limits. No orders need be given, for example, for
rank-and-file journalists to understand that the business of the corporate boss
or top advertisers is off-limits, short of criminal indictments.
No memo is needed to achieve the narrowness
of perspective — selecting all the usual experts from all the usual think tanks
to say all the usual things. Think Tom Friedman. Or Barry McCaffrey. Or Neera
Tanden. Or any of the elite club members who’ve been proven to be absurdly
wrong time and again about national or global affairs.”
Matt
Taibbi also jumped into the controversy to highlight the media groupthink
effect, publishing an article with Rolling Stone about the way journalists come
to understand what will and will not elevate their mass media careers:
“Reporters watch as good investigative
journalism about serious structural problems dies on the vine, while mountains
of column space are devoted to trivialities like Trump tweets and/or simplistic
partisan storylines. Nobody needs to pressure anyone. We all know what takes
will and will not earn attaboys in newsrooms.”And it is probably worth noting
here that Taibbi is no longer with Rolling Stone.”
4.
Mass media employees who don’t comply with the groupthink get worn down and
pressured out.
Journalists
either learn how to do the kind of reporting that will advance their careers in
the mass media, or they don’t learn and they either remain marginalized and
unheard of or they get worn down and quit.
NBC
reporter William Arkin resigned from the network in 2019, criticizing NBC in an
open letter for being consistently “in favor of policies that just spell more
conflict and more war,” and complaining that the network had begun “emulating
the national security state itself.”
Arkin
said he often found himself a “lone voice” in scrutinizing various aspects of
the U.S. war machine, saying he “argued endlessly with MSNBC about all things
national security for years.”
“We
have contributed to turning the world national security into this sort of
political story,” Arkin wrote. “I find it disheartening that we do not report
the failures of the generals and national security leaders. I find it shocking
that we essentially condone continued American bumbling in the Middle East and
now Africa through our ho-hum reporting.”
Sometimes
the pressure is much less subtle. Pulitzer-winning journalist Chris Hedges left
The New York Timesafter being issued a formal written reprimand by the paper
for criticizing the Iraq invasion in a speech at Rockford College, realizing
that he would either have to stop speaking publicly about what he believed or
he’d be fired.
“Either
I muzzled myself to pay fealty to my career… or I spoke out and realized that
my relationship with my employer was terminal,” Hedges said in 2013. “And so at
that point I left before they got rid of me. But I knew that, you know, I
wasn’t going to be able to stay.”
5.
Mass media employees who step too far out of line get fired.
This
measure doesn’t need to be applied often but happens enough for people with
careers in media to get the message, like when Phil Donahue was fired from
MSNBC for his opposition to the Bush administration’s warmongering in the
lead-up to the Iraq invasion despite having the best ratings of any show on the
network, or in 2018 when Temple University professor Marc Lamont Hill was fired
from CNN for supporting freedom for Palestinians during a speech at the United
Nations.
6.
Mass media employees who toe the imperial line see their careers advance.
In
his 2008 book War Journal: My Five Years in Iraq, NBC’s Richard Engel wrote
that he did everything he could to get into Iraq because he knew it would
provide a massive boost to his career, calling his presence there during the
war his “big break”.
“In
the run-up to the war, it was clear that Iraq was a land where careers were
going to be made,” Engels wrote. “I sneaked into Iraq before the war because I
thought the conflict would be the turning point in the Middle East, where I had
already been living for seven years. As a young freelancer, I believed some
reporters would die covering the Iraq war, and that others would make a name
for themselves.”
This
gives a lot of insight into the way ambitious journalists think about climbing
the career ladder in their field, and also into one reason why those types are
so gung-ho about war all the time. If you know a war can advance your career,
you’re going to hope it happens and do everything you can to facilitate it. The
whole system is set up to elevate the absolute worst sort of people.
Engels
is now NBC’s chief foreign correspondent, by the way.
7.
With public and state-funded media, the influence is more overt.
So
we’ve been talking about the pressures that are brought to bear on mass media
employees in the plutocrat-run media, but what about mass media that aren’t
owned by plutocrats, like NPR and the BBC?
Well,
propaganda thrives in those institutions for more obvious reasons: their
proximity to government powers. Right up into the 1990s the BBC was just
letting MI5 outright vet its employees for “subversive” political activity, and
only officially changed that policy when they got caught.
NPR’s
CEO John Lansing came directly out of the U.S. government’s official propaganda
services, having previously served as the CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global
Media — and he was not the first NPR executive with an extensive background in
the U.S. state propaganda apparatus.
With
U.S. government-owned outlets like Voice of America the control is even more
overt than that. In a 2017 article with Columbia Journalism Review titled
“Spare the indignation: Voice of America has never been independent,” VOA
veteran Dan Robinson says such outlets are entirely different from normal news
companies and are expected to facilitate U.S. information interests to receive
government funding:
“I spent about 35 years with Voice of
America, serving in positions ranging from chief White House correspondent to
overseas bureau chief and head of a key language division, and I can tell you
that for a long time, two things have been true. First, U.S. government-funded
media have been seriously mismanaged, a reality that made them ripe for
bipartisan reform efforts in Congress, climaxing late in 2016 when President
Obama signed the 2017 National Defense Authorization Act. Second, there is
widespread agreement in Congress and elsewhere that, in exchange for continued
funding, these government broadcasters must do more, as part of the national
security apparatus, to assist efforts to combat Russian, ISIS, and al-Qaeda
disinformation.”
8.
Access journalism.
Krystal
Ball touched on this one in her anecdote about MSNBC’s influential call from
the Clinton camp above. Access journalism refers to the way media outlets and
reporters can lose access to politicians, government officials and other
powerful figures if those figures don’t perceive them as sufficiently
sympathetic.
If
someone in power decides they don’t like a given reporter they can simply
decide to give their interviews to someone else who’s sufficiently sycophantic,
or call on someone else at the press conference, or have conversations on and
off the record with someone who kisses up to them a bit more.
Depriving
challenging interlocutors of access funnels all the prized news media material
to the most obsequious brown-nosers in the press, because if you’ve got too
much dignity to pitch softball questions and not follow up on ridiculous
politician-speak word salad non-answers there’s always someone else who will.
This
creates a dynamic where power-serving bootlickers are elevated to the top of
the mainstream media, while actual journalists who try to hold power to account
go unrewarded.
9.
Getting fed “scoops” by government agencies looking to advance their
information interests.
In
Totalitarian Dictatorships, the government spy agency tells the news media what
stories to run, and the news media unquestioningly publish it. In Free
Democracies, the government spy agency says “Hoo buddy, have I got a scoop for
you!” and the news media unquestioningly publish it.
One
of the easiest ways to break a major story on national security or foreign
policy these days is to get entrusted with a “scoop” by one or more government
officials — on condition of anonymity of course — which just so happens to make
the government look good and/or make its enemies look bad and/or manufacture
consent for this or that agenda.
This
of course amounts to simply publishing press releases for the White House, the
Pentagon or the U.S. intelligence cartel, since you’re just uncritically
repeating some unverified thing that an official handed you and disguising it
as news reporting. But it’s a practice that’s becoming more and more common in
western “journalism” as the need to distribute propaganda about Washington’s
cold war enemies in Moscow and Beijing increases.
Some
notorious recent examples of this are The New York Times‘ completely discredited
report that Russia was paying Taliban-linked fighters to kill U.S. and allied
forces in Afghanistan, and The Guardian‘s completely discredited report that
Paul Manafort paid visits to Julian Assange at the Ecuadorian embassy.
Both
were simply falsehoods that the mass media were fed by intelligence operatives
who were trying to seed a narrative in the public consciousness, which they
then repeated as fact without ever disclosing the names of those who fed them
the false story. Another related example is U.S. officials admitting to NBC
last year — again under cover of anonymity — that the Biden administration had
simply been feeding lies about Russia to the media in order to win an
“information war” against Putin.
This
dynamic is similar to the one in access journalism in that outlets and
reporters who’ve proven themselves sympathetic and uncritical parrots of the
government narratives they are fed are the ones most likely to be fed them, and
therefore the ones to get the “scoop”.
We
caught a whiff of what this looks like from the inside when acting C.I.A.
director under the Obama administration Mike Morell testified that he and his
intelligence cartel cohorts had initially planned to seed their disinfo op
about the Hunter Biden laptop to a particular unnamed reporter at The
Washington Post, whom they presumably had a good working relationship with.
Another
twist on the intelligence cartel “scoop” dynamic is the way government
officials will feed information to a reporter from one outlet, and then reporters
from another outlet will contact those very same officials and ask them if the
information is true, and then all outlets involved will have a public parade on
Twitter proclaiming that the report has been “confirmed”. Nothing about the
story was verified as true in any way; it was just the same story being told by
the same source to different people.
10.
Class interests.
The
more a mass media employee goes along with the imperial groupthink, follows the
unwritten rules and remains unthreatening to the powerful, the higher up the
media career ladder they will climb. The higher up the career ladder they
climb, the more money they will often find themselves making. Once they find
themselves in a position to influence a very large number of people, they are a
part of a wealthy class which has a vested interest in maintaining the
political status quo which lets them keep their fortune.
This
can take the form of opposing anything resembling socialism or political
movements that might make the rich pay more taxes, as we saw in the virulent
smear campaigns against progressive figures like Bernie Sanders and Jeremy
Corbyn.
It
can also take the form of encouraging the public to fight a culture war so that
they won’t start fighting a class war. It can also take the form of making one
more supportive of the empire more generally, because that’s the status quo
your fortune is built on.
It
can also take the form of making one more sympathetic to politicians,
government officials, plutocrats and celebrities as a whole, because that class
is who your friends are now; that’s who you’re hanging out with, going to the
parties and the weddings of, drinking with, laughing with, schmoozing with.
Class
interests dance with the behavior of journalists in multiple ways because, as
both Glenn Greenwald and Matt Taibbi have noted, journalists in the mass media
are increasingly coming not from working-class backgrounds but from wealthy
families, and have degrees from expensive elite universities.
The
number of journalists with college degrees skyrocketed from 58 percent in 1971
to 92 percent in 2013. If your wealthy parents aren’t paying that off for you
then you’ve got crushing student debt that you need to pay off yourself, which
you can only do in the field you studied in by making a decent amount of money,
which you can only do by acting as a propagandist for the imperial
establishment in the ways we’ve been discussing.
Universities
themselves tend to play a status quo-serving, conformity-manufacturing role
when churning out journalists, as wealth won’t flow into an academic
environment that is offensive to the wealthy. Moneyed interests are unlikely to
make large donations to universities which teach their students that moneyed
interests are a plague upon the nation, and they are certainly not going to
send their kids there.
11.
Think tanks.
The
Quincy Institute has a new study out which found that a staggering 85 percent
of the think tanks cited by the news media in their reporting on U.S. military
support for Ukraine have been paid by literal Pentagon contractors.
“Think
tanks in the United States are a go–to resource for media outlets seeking expert
opinions on pressing public policy issues,” writes Quincy Institute’s Ben
Freeman.
“But think tanks often have entrenched
stances; a growing body of research has shown that their funders can influence
their analysis and commentary. This influence can include censorship — both
self-censorship and more direct censoring of work unfavorable to a funder — and
outright pay–for–research agreements with funders. The result is an environment
where the interests of the most generous funders can dominate think tank policy
debates.”
This
is journalistic malpractice. It is never, ever in accord with journalistic
ethics to cite war profiteer-funded think tanks on matters of war, militarism
or foreign relations, but the western press do it constantly, without even
disclosing this immense conflict of interest to their audience.
Western
journalists cite empire-funded think tanks because they generally align with
the empire-approved lines that a mass media stenographer knows they can advance
their career by pushing, and they do it because doing so gives them an
official-looking “expert” “source” to cite while proclaiming more expensive war
machinery needs to be sent to this or that part of the world or what have you.
But
in reality there’s only one story to be found in such citations: “War Industry
Supports More War.”
The
fact that war profiteers are allowed to actively influence media, politics and
government bodies through think tanks, advertising and corporate lobbying is
one of the most insane things happening in our society today. And not only is
it allowed, it’s seldom even questioned.
12.
The Council on Foreign Relations.
It
should probably also be noted here that the Council on Foreign Relations is a
profoundly influential think tank which counts a jarring number of media
executives and influential journalists among its membership, a dynamic which
gives think tanks another layer of influence in the media.
In
1993 former Washington Post senior editor and ombudsman Richard Harwood
approvingly described CFR as “the nearest thing we have to a ruling
establishment in the United States.”
Harwood
writes:
“The membership of these journalists in the
council, however they may think of themselves, is an acknowledgment of their
active and important role in public affairs and of their ascension into the
American ruling class. They do not merely analyze and interpret foreign policy
for the United States; they help make it. Their influence, Jon Vanden Heuvel
speculates in an article in the Media Studies Journal, is likely to increase
now that the Cold War has ended: ‘By focusing on particular crises around the
world {the media are in a better position} to pressure government to act.'”
13.
Advertising.
In
2021 Politico was caught publishing fawning apologia for top weapons
manufacturer Lockheed Martin at the same time Lockheed was sponsoring a
Politico newsletter on foreign policy. Responsible Statecraft’s Eli Clifton
wrote at the time:
“There’s a very blurry line between
Politico’s financial relationship with the largest weapons firm in the United
States, Lockheed Martin, and its editorial output. And that line may have just become
even more opaque.
Last week, Responsible Statecraft’s Ethan
Paul reported that Politico was scrubbing its archives of any reference to
Lockheed Martin’s longtime sponsorship of the publication’s popular newsletter,
Morning Defense. While evidence of Lockheed’s financial relationship with
Politico was erased, the popular beltway outlet just published a remarkable
puff piece about the company, with no acknowledgement of the longstanding
financial relationship with Politico.
Politico didn’t respond to questions about
whether Lockheed was an ongoing sponsor of the publication after last month
when it scrubbed the defense giant’s ads or whether the weapons firm paid for
what read largely-like an advertorial.
Politico’s Lee Hudson visited Lockheed’s
highly secure, and mostly classified, Skunk Works research and development
facility north of Los Angeles and glowingly wrote, “For defense tech
journalists and aviation nerds, this is the equivalent of a Golden Ticket to
Willy Wonka’s factory, but think supersonic drones instead of Everlasting
Gobstoppers.”
Ever
wondered why you’ll see things like ads for Northrop Grumman during the
Superbowl? Do you think anyone’s watching that ad saying “You know what? I’m
gonna buy myself a stealth bomber”? Of course not.
The
defense industry advertises in media all the time, and while it might not
always get caught red-handed in blatant manipulation of news publications like
Lockheed did with Politico, it’s hard to imagine that their money wouldn’t have
a chilling effect on foreign policy reporting, and perhaps even give them some
pull on editorial matters.
Like
Jeff Cohen said above: the top advertisers are off limits.
14.
Covert infiltration.
Just
because a lot of the mass media’s propagandistic behavior can be explained
without secret conspiracies doesn’t mean secret conspiracies aren’t happening.
In 1977 Carl Bernstein published an article titled “The C.I.A. and the Media”
reporting that the C.I.A. had covertly infiltrated America’s most influential
news outlets and had over 400 reporters who it considered assets in a program
known as Operation Mockingbird.
We
are told that this sort of covert infiltration doesn’t happen anymore today,
but that’s absurd. Of course it does. People believe the C.I.A. no longer
engages in nefarious behavior because they find it comfortable to believe that,
not because there is any evidentiary basis for that belief.
There
were no conditions which gave rise to Operation Mockingbird in the 1970s which
aren’t also with us today. Cold war? That’s happening today. Hot war? That’s
happening today. Dissident groups? Happening today. A mad scramble to secure
U.S. domination and capital on the world stage? Happening today.
The
C.I.A. wasn’t dismantled and nobody went to prison. All that’s changed is that
news media now have more things for government operatives to toy with, like
online media and social media.
And
indeed we have seen evidence that it happens today. Back in 2014 Ken Dilanian,
now a prominent reporter for NBC, was caught intimately collaborating with the
C.I.A. in his reporting and sending them articles for approval and changes
before publication. In his emails with C.I.A. press handlers Dilanian is seen acting
like a propagandist for the agency, talking about how he intended an article
about C.I.A. drone strikes to be “reassuring to the public” and editing his
reporting in accordance with their wishes.
Other
potential C.I.A. assets include CNN’s Anderson Cooper, who interned with the
agency, and Tucker Carlson, whose past features a highly suspicious amount of
overlap with the C.I.A..
15.
Overt infiltration.
Lastly,
sometimes the mass media act like state propagandists because they are actual
state propagandists. Back in Carl Bernstein’s day the C.I.A. had to secretly
infiltrate the mass media; nowadays the mass media openly hire intelligence
insiders to work among their ranks.
Mass
media outlets now openly employ intelligence agency veterans like John Brennan,
James Clapper, Chuck Rosenberg, Michael Hayden, Frank Figliuzzi, Fran Townsend,
Stephen Hall, Samantha Vinograd, Andrew McCabe, Josh Campbell, Asha Rangappa,
Phil Mudd, James Gagliano, Jeremy Bash, Susan Hennessey, Ned Price and Rick
Francona.
The
mass media also commonly bring in “experts” to provide opinions on war and
weapons who are direct employees of the military-industrial complex, without
ever explaining that massive conflict of interest to their audience.
Last
year Lever News published a report on the way the media had been bringing on
U.S. empire managers who are currently working for war profiteer companies as
part of their life in the DC swamp’s revolving door between the public and
private sector and presenting them as impartial pundits on the war in Ukraine.
So
as you can see, the news media are subject to pressures from every conceivable
angle on every relevant level which push them toward functioning not as
reporters, but as propagandists. This is why the employees of the western mass
media act like PR agents for the western empire and its component parts:
because that’s exactly what they are.
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