September
15, 2023
As
Julian Assange continues to fight extradition to the United States to face
prosecution under the Espionage Act, a growing chorus of voices is rising to
demand an end to his persecution. Hounded by US law enforcement and its allies
for more than a decade, Assange has been stripped of all personal and civil
liberties for the crime of exposing the extent of US atrocities during the War
on Terror. In the intervening years, it’s become nakedly apparent that the
intent of the US government is not only to silence Assange in particular, but
to send a message to whistleblowers and journalists everywhere on the
consequences of speaking truth to power. Former British ambassador to
Uzbekistan, Craig Murray, who was fired for exposing the CIA’s use of torture
in the country, joins The Chris Hedges Report to discuss what Julian Assange’s
fight means for all of us.
Transcript
Chris
Hedges: Craig Murray, the former British
ambassador to Uzbekistan, was removed from his post after he made public the
widespread use of torture by the Uzbek government and the CIA. He has since
become one of Britain’s most important human rights campaigners and a fierce
advocate for Julian Assange as well as a supporter of Scottish independence.
His coverage of the trial of former Scottish first minister Alex Salman, who
was acquitted of sexual assault charges, saw him charged with contempt of court
and sentenced to eight months in prison. The very dubious sentence, half of
which Craig served, upended most legal norms. He was sentenced, supporters
argued, to prevent him from testifying as a witness in the Spanish criminal
case against UC global director, David Morales, being prosecuted for installing
a surveillance system in the Ecuador embassy when Julian Assange found refuge
that was used to record the privileged communications between Julian and his
lawyers.
Morales
is alleged to have carried out this surveillance on behalf of the CIA. Murray
has published some of the most prescient and eloquent reports from Julian’s
extradition hearings and was one of a half dozen guests, including myself,
invited to Julian and Stella’s wedding in Belmarsh Prison in March 2022. Prison
authorities denied entry to Craig, based on what the UK Ministry of Justice
said were security concerns, as well as myself from attending the ceremony.
Joining
me to discuss what is happening to Julian Assange and the rapid erosion of our
most basic democratic rights is Craig Murray. And to begin, Craig, I read all
of your reports from the trial which are at once eloquent and brilliant. It’s
the best coverage that we’ve had of the hearings. But I want you to bring us up
to date with where we are with the case at this moment.
Craig
Murray: Yeah. The legal procedures have
been extraordinarily convoluted after the first hearings for the magistrate
ruled that Julian couldn’t be extradited, on essentially, health grounds. Due
to the conditions in American prisons, the US then appealed against that
verdict. The high court accepted the US appeal on extraordinarily dubious
grounds based on a diplomatic note giving certain assurances which were
conditional and based on Julian’s future behavior. And of course, the US
government has a record of breaking such assurances, and also, those assurances
could have been given at the time of the initial hearing and weren’t.
Chris
Hedges: I don’t think those assurances
have any… It was a diplomatic note. It has no legal validity.
Craig
Murray: It has no legal validity. It’s
not binding in any sense. And as I say, it is in itself conditional. It states
that they may change this in the future. It actually says that –
Chris
Hedges: Well, based on his behavior.
Craig
Murray: – Based on his behavior, which
they will be the sole judges of.
Chris
Hedges: Of course.
Craig
Murray: And which won’t involve any
further legal process. They will decide he’s going into a supermax because they
don’t like the way he looks at guards or something. It’s utterly meaningless.
And so the US, having won that appeal so Julian could be extradited, it was
then Julian’s turn to appeal on all the points he had lost at the original
extradition. Those include the First Amendment, they include freedom of speech,
obviously, and they include the fact that the very extradition treaty under
which he’s being extradited states that there shall be no political extradition
and this is plainly a very political case and several other important grounds.
That appeal was lodged. Nothing then happened for a year. And that appeal is an
extraordinary document. You can actually find it on my website,
CraigMurray.org.uk.
I’ve
published the entire appeal document and it is an amazing document. It’s an
incredible piece of legal argument. And some of the things it sets out like the
fact that the US key witness for the charges was an Icelandic guy who they paid
for his evidence. They paid him for his evidence and he is a convicted
pedophile and convicted fraudster. And since he has said he lied in his
evidence and he just did it for the money. That’s one example of the things you
find. The documentation is not dry legal documentation at all. It’s well worth
going and looking through Julian’s appeal. That appeal ran to 150 pages plus
supporting documents.
For
a year, nothing happened. Then two or three months ago it was dismissed in
three pages of double-spaced A4, in which the judge, Judge Swift, said that
there were no legal arguments, no coherent legal arguments in this 150 pages
and it followed no known form of pleading and it was dismissed completely. And
the thing is that the appeal was written by some of the greatest lawyers in the
world. It’s supervised and written by Gareth Pierce, who I would say is the
greatest living human rights lawyer. Those people have seen the film In the
Name of the Father, starring Daniel Day-Lewis.
Gareth
is the lawyer and she’s played in the film by Emma Thompson. She is the lawyer
who got out all those people who were framed by the British government for
being members of the Irish Republican army and terrorists. And they weren’t,
they were all framed. It was Gareth who got them out. She’s won numerous
high-profile cases. She has enormous respect all around the world and this
judge, who is nobody, is saying that there’s no validity to her pleadings which
follow no known form of pleading. This is quite extraordinary.
Chris
Hedges: Am I correct in that he was a
barrister, essentially, for the defense ministry? He was served the interests
of the UK government and that’s essentially got him his position. Is that
correct?
Craig
Murray: Exactly. He was the lead
barrister for the security services. Well, he was a banister who specialized in
working for the security services. He’s on record stating that the security
services were his favorite clients because they are organized, brilliant, and
cogent and he’s entirely a tool of the security services, and that’s why he was
given this particular job. So there’s a right of appeal normally.
Chris
Hedges: Let me interrupt you because
it’s a little different from the American system and I’ve tried to get my head
around the UK legal system. It’s an appeal to a two-judge panel, a bit like our
appellate court. The appeal states that there weren’t sufficient grounds for
the judge to make this ruling. Is that correct, basically?
Craig
Murray: That’s right. It’s now, if you
like, you were already at an appeal stage and now you’re an appeal to the high
court. Now you’re making an appeal to the appeal court, which is actually the
same court. It’s physically the same place and it’s the same panel of judges
but it will be a different judge to Judge Swift. The appeal now is to a
two-judge panel, and it’s saying that it’s an appeal for a right to further
make the appeal. It’s not an appeal for the entire judgment to be overturned.
Judge Swift, in his judgment, dismissing with contempt the entire case and not
bothering really to answer any of the arguments, he said that this appeal has
to be limited to 20 pages of A4 and that it will be timetabled as a 30-minute
appeal. It’s not 30 minutes for the defense. That’s 30 minutes for the entire
hearing. So plainly, that’s a summary process to try and close off the final
avenue of appeal.
And
this is all quite extraordinary. There’s almost no pretense of due process
involved here but that’s been true throughout the proceedings. One of the
things I witnessed during the initial extradition hearings was that when
procedural motions were made, for example, on whether certain evidence was
admissible, the defense would stand up and argue why the evidence should be
admissible. Then the prosecution would stand up and argue why the evidence
should not be admissible, then the judge would give her ruling. But the judge
came into court and the public gallery is seated above the judge: You’re higher
than the judge, you can look down on the judge. And I saw, 100% for certain,
that the judge came into court with her ruling already typed out before she heard
the arguments, and she sat there almost pretending to listen to what the
defense was saying for now and what the prosecution was saying for now. Then
she simply read out the ruling.
Chris
Hedges: She’s like the Queen of Hearts
in Alice in Wonderland giving the verdict before she hears the sentence.
Craig
Murray: Precisely. Exactly. It’s much
more convenient. My own strong suspicions, it’s not the judge who wrote that
ruling. That’s what she was given as this is what we wanted a ruling on.
Chris
Hedges: And before we go on, you and I
have covered… You’ve covered it more extensively than I have but I’ve covered
it and have been in London for some of the hearings. On the most basic level,
the evisceration of attorney-client privilege because UC Global recorded the
meetings between Julian and his lawyers, that in a UK court, as in a US court
alone, should get the trial invalidated
Craig
Murray: In any democracy in the world,
if your intelligence services have been recording the client’s attorney
consultations, that would get the case thrown out. What the Americans are
claiming, what the Americans claimed in court and the British government and
the British judge accepted, was that the CIA, having recorded all the material,
did nothing with it. They didn’t give it to anybody; They did not give it to
the Justice Department and nobody else in the American government saw it. If
that were true, I should say I don’t believe it for a moment, but if I were an
American taxpayer, I would want to know why is the CIA going to enormous
lengths and spending loads of money to obtain secret recordings of… And then do
nothing with them. How can that be true? It makes absolutely no sense and any
judge would laugh that out of court.
It’s
like me saying that, okay, I did rob the bank around the corner but I wasn’t
going to spend the money. I was keeping it in the cupboard. So that’s okay.
It’s completely ludicrous. And the fact that was accepted, it’s one of many
extraordinary rulings in this case and it’s actually hurt me, to be honest. I
had some belief in the judicial system. I had some belief that in Western
democracies there is due process and there’s a certain amount of fairness. I
now don’t believe that at all. I’ve absolutely completely come to the
conclusion that it’s a charade and a fake, and the powers behind the scenes
dictate what happens in major cases in the justice system.
Chris
Hedges: Well, you had three months in
jail to get that point driven onto you.
Craig
Murray: [Laughs] Six months in jail to
get used to it.
Chris
Hedges: But this is the last within the
UK legal system, this appeal which as I understand was three months ago, wasn’t
there a six-week deadline where they had to render a ruling within six weeks?
Craig
Murray: Well, the defense had six weeks
to submit their 20 pages. And the understanding was that that meant that the
thing would be done very quickly but it’s all terribly arbitrary. After the
first appeal was submitted, there was a year’s gap, over a year’s gap, for no
reason at all. And then a three-page response to it. It doesn’t take a year to
write a three-page response. At times it seems as though the process is for
punishment and they’re quite happy that they’ve got Julian in a maximum security
prison in dreadful positions and they’re slowly killing him in effect. And so
they are in no hurry. And at times it seemed as though they were deliberately
doing things as slowly as possible.
Chris
Hedges: Well, this is what Neils Melzer,
the special repertoire on torture for the UN, said that he called it, a slow
motion execution, were his words.
Craig
Murray: And as you know, they put me in
jail. And my own belief is that that wasn’t anything to do with the articles
I’d published on the trial about Alex Salman. That was the excuse.
Chris
Hedges: Of course.
Craig
Murray: It was because of my advocacy
for and friendship with Julian. That’s why they put me in jail. I was in the
cell, my cell was 12 feet by eight feet which is slightly larger than Julian’s
cell, and I was kept in solitary confinement for 23 hours a day, sometimes 23.5
hours a day for four months. And that’s extremely difficult. It’s extremely
difficult. But I knew when I was leaving, I had an end date. To be in those
conditions as Julian has been for years and years and no idea if it will ever stop,
no idea if you’ll ever be let out alive, let alone not having an end date, I
can’t imagine how psychologically crushing that would be.
Chris
Hedges: Well, we heard some very
disturbing testimony at the hearing about his psychological state, which to her
credit, Baraitser took it the judge.
Craig
Murray: She did.
Chris
Hedges: She took it into account. But
calling the suicide hotline and hallucinating and banging his head against the
wall; He’s been in four years now, in this high-security prison, in London at
Belmarsh, and then seven years in the embassy.
Craig
Murray: And it’s amazing this is
happening. He’s a publisher for goodness’s sake. He’s not even a whistleblower
himself.
Chris
Hedges: Unlike Ellsberg, people forget
Ellsberg took the documents.
Craig
Murray: Yeah, exactly.
Chris
Hedges: Julian published them. He didn’t
take them.
Craig
Murray: Yeah. That’s exactly right. And
when I myself blew the whistle, the Financial Times published the information.
Chris
Hedges: This is on the black sites?
Craig
Murray: On black sites, an extraordinary
rendition. Yeah. I was fully expecting to go to jail at that stage. I thought,
I’m a whistleblower, I’ve done this for moral reasons, and I’m prepared to go
to jail for it. We’ve got to stop this extraordinary rendition program. If that
means me going to jail, I’m prepared to take that. I would’ve been astonished
if they’d locked up the editor of the Financial Times for publishing
information. That’s not how the system works: It’s the whistleblower who takes
the moral responsibility. This is a publisher and you’re locking him up with
literally the worst terrorists in Europe who are kept in that maximum security
establishment. Why? It’s quite extraordinary. Look at me. I’m an old bloke who
writes and I was kept in solitary confinement for four months. Why do I need,
why does Julian need, why are we such a danger that you have to be kept in the
same conditions as serial killers?
Chris
Hedges: Well, because you’re exposing
truths, very inconvenient truths about the reality of the systems that we live
under. You’re right, it’s a democratic facade, but it’s not democratic anymore,
like the late Roman Republic. I want to talk about… So once this two-panel
hearing is over, and it’s a pretty safe assumption that they will reject the
appeal, what happens then?
Craig
Murray: The immediate thing that will
happen is that Julian’s lawyers will try to go to the European Court in
Strasbourg –
Chris
Hedges: To the European Court of Human
Rights.
Craig
Murray: – The European Court of Human
Rights to submit an appeal and get the extradition stopped, pending an appeal.
The worry is that Julian would instantly be extradited and that the government
wouldn’t wait to hear from a European Court.
Chris
Hedges: Explain to Americans what it is
and what jurisdiction it has in the UK, the European Court.
Craig
Murray: Yeah, the European Court of
Human Rights is not a European Union body. It’s a body of the Council of
Europe. It has jurisdiction over the European Convention on Human Rights which
guarantees basic human rights and therefore it has legally binding jurisdiction
over human rights violations in any member state of the treaty. So it does have
a legally binding jurisdiction and is acknowledged as such, normally, by the UK
government. They’re very powerful voices within the current conservative government
in the UK which wants to exit the convention on human rights. But at present,
that’s not the case. The UK is still part of this system. And so the European
Court of Human Rights has legally binding authority over the government of the
United Kingdom purely on matters that contravene human rights.
Chris
Hedges: And if they do extradite him,
they’ve essentially nullified that process, the fear is that, of course, the
security services would know about the ruling in advance. He’d be on the tarmac
and shuttled in, sedated, and put in a diaper and hooded or something and put
on a CIA flight to Washington. I want to talk about if that happens. It’s
certainly very possible. What we need to do here, and I know part of the reason
you’re in the US, is to prepare for that should it take place. You will try and
cover the hearings and trial here as you did in the UK but let’s talk about
where we go if that event occurs.
Craig
Murray: Yeah. The first thing to say is
that if that happens, on the day it happens, it will be the biggest news story
in the world; It would be a massive news story. So we have to be prepared. We
have to know who, from the Assange movement or who from his defense team, who’s
going to be the spokesman, who are going to be the spokespeople, who are going
to be offered up to all the major news agencies? We have to affect the story on
day one. Because if you get behind the story – And we know what their line will
be. They’ll put out all these lies about people being killed because of
WikiLeaks, about the American insecurity being endangered, we know all the
propaganda that they will try to flood the airwaves with – So we need to be
ready and ahead of the game to know who our people are, who are going to be
offered up to interview, who are going to proactively get onto the media, and
not just the alternative media like this media, but onto the so-called
mainstream as well, and get out the story.
So
those things have to be taken. And then there are all the practical things.
There are many in Julian’s family we’ll need to come over to support him. We’ll
need to know immediately how to get them, where to get them to, what their
accommodation is going to be. We need activists on that day to be ready to go
out and start demonstrating all over the US.
And
one thing that I really believe… This tour I’m on in the States at the moment,
I’ve been meeting activists and there’s a huge base of very experienced and
extremely impressive activists who are interested in the Assange case, but
there’s no real spark to it yet. The day he arrives you will have the Deadwood
press like the Washington Post and the New York Times running editorials saying
this shouldn’t be happening. So there will be much more public awareness of
what’s happening and what’s behind it. And I think that day there are a lot of
people ready to jump into action. Well, they have to know what to do. We have
to know, in each city and town in the US, where there’s going to be a
demonstration the day he arrives, where people should go, and what time they
should get there. We need to start preparing that base level of activism.
Chris
Hedges: I visited Julian with my friend
Michael Radner who was Julian’s lawyer. We’ve since lost Michael a couple of
years ago, a great civil rights attorney who founded the Center for
Constitutional Rights. But I remember Michael telling me that in order to
prosecute these cases – And he got legal representation, for instance, for the
prisoners in Guantanamo – You need people in the streets. That it’s extremely
important. And he’s talking about his work in the courtroom, that there are
people outside the courtroom – And you may have been in the courtroom when I
was in London – With Baraitser complaining at one point, the judge, about the
noise outside the courtroom.
Craig
Murray: Yeah. That’s absolutely right.
We’re going to need to have people at the actual court itself. And of course,
we don’t know exactly… There’ll be all procedural steps of Julian being
produced and not produced and all motions filed and things before the court
itself gets, the trial proper, gets going. But at each stage it’s very
important to have people available and at the courtroom and able to go outside.
Chris
Hedges: What about the argument that
Biden doesn’t want to deal with this? It’s a very close election. He’s neck and
neck with Trump. Then let’s also talk about the speculation that there might be
a plea deal and he could go to Australia. He’s an Australian citizen, of
course.
Craig
Murray: Well, firstly, I sometimes
really wonder whether the US government realizes how it looks to the outside
world. Here you have a government whose main political opponent – And I’m no
fan of Donald Trump. I’m not a fan of Donald Trump but he is their main
political opponent – And they’re trying to put him in prison so he can’t fight
in the election. Now, how does that look to the rest of the world? What are you
constantly accusing Russia of doing? What are you constantly accusing other
nations of doing? How does that affect US standing? We’ve got a presidential
election coming, so the guy who’s ahead in the polls, let’s put him in jail so
he can’t stand.
And
if at the same time you’re doing that you’re also trying to put the most famous
publisher in the world in jail, simultaneously, what message is that sending
out to the world? That’s sending out the message to the world that you are a
completely fake democracy and that your human rights record is actually no
better than that of China or Russia or any of these other countries you are
constantly criticizing. So the Biden administration would be completely mad to
bring Julian here and to extradite Julian. I don’t understand why they don’t
see the danger in what they’re doing, in terms of freedom of speech worldwide,
and people’s opinion of repression and censorship worldwide.
Chris
Hedges: Because it’s driven by the CIA,
the CIA with Vault 7, which exposed the hacking tools that the CIA has put into
our phones or televisions even our cars. And that of course, is when Trump
announced the extradition. Before, President Obama had used the Espionage Act
against whistleblowers but he hadn’t used it against journalists. Trump upped
the ante by calling for the use of the Espionage Act to extradite, in this
sense, a journalist. But my reading of it is that they don’t care how they look.
And part of it is to send a message. It doesn’t matter what nationality you
are, it doesn’t matter where you are. WikiLeaks is not a US-based publication,
it doesn’t matter where you are. If you expose the information that Julian and
WikiLeaks exposed, we’re going to come for you. Isn’t that the message?
Craig
Murray: That’s absolutely right. And
this, again, it’s amazing they don’t see the dangers in this claim of universal
jurisdiction. The US isn’t going to be the most powerful country in the world
for much longer; It arguably already isn’t. But China is growing stronger and
stronger. What are they going to say when the Chinese start plucking away
American journalists for having published something rude about China, even
though they’ve never been to China? This claim of universal jurisdiction is
extraordinary. And what’s even more extraordinary is they’re claiming universal
jurisdiction but Julian is under their jurisdiction because he published
American Secrets even though he’s not an American and he wasn’t in America. And
at the same time, while they claim jurisdiction over him, they’re claiming he
has no First Amendment rights because he’s in Australia.
The
combination of we have jurisdiction over you, you have all the liabilities that
come with that but you have none of the rights that come with that because
you’re not one of our citizens, that’s pernicious. It’s so illogical and so
vicious. I actually didn’t believe it. I thought this was Pompeo mouthing off
until there was a recent Supreme Court judgment about two years ago in the case
of USAID against overseas development agencies. Where it said essentially, that
the people abroad in receipt of USAID don’t have First Amendment rights and can
be gagged from saying certain things as a condition of aid because they’re not
US citizens. And if you read the judgment, the judgment specifically says, we
cannot accord First Amendment rights to non-US citizens because otherwise, it
would have to apply to overseas citizens handled by the US military. So what
they’re saying is if Julian has First Amendment rights, then people in
Guantanamo Bay have rights. So no one has rights.
Chris
Hedges: I want to close because there’s
been noise out of Australia. The ambassador, Carolyn Kennedy, said that they
might consider a plea deal. I have put no credence in it. It’s all smoke but I
wondered what you thought.
Craig
Murray: Yeah. It’s an attempt to placate
Australian public opinion. Public opinion in Australia is extremely strong.
Over 80% of Australians want Julian released and allowed to go home to
Australia. Blinken came there and made some very hostile and un-diplomatic
remarks at a time when Australia was allowing the US to base nuclear weapons on
its side. Caroline Kennedy came out… It’s a lie, frankly. There has been no
approach from a justice department or from the State Department to doing any
plea deal. It’s purely smoke and mirrors to try to distract the Australian
public. Caroline Kennedy was lying to the Australian public. That’s pure and
simple.
Chris
Hedges: Great, thanks. That was Craig
Murray, the former British ambassador to Uzbekistan and one of the great
champions of Julian Assange. I want to thank The Real News Network and its
production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, David Hebden, and Kayla Rivara.
You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.
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