February 24, 2026
Fereshteh Sadeghi
Fereshteh Sadeghi
As
Washington sharpens its threats, Iranians – still scarred by last year’s war –
are compelled to confront who stands with the country, and who awaits foreign
bombardment.
The ghost of the June 2025
Israeli attacks on Iran haunts Iranian society as it tries to come to terms
with the possibility of a longer war – this time imposed directly by US
President Donald Trump. Views about such a war differ sharply. Some Iranians openly
say they hope Trump would topple the Islamic Republic.
The dichotomy between war and a nuclear agreement has engulfed West Asia and Iran since the summer of last year, leaving a clear psychological imprint on society. June 2025 became a turning point in the minds of the Iranian people – when they woke up to Israeli airstrikes and the assassination of military commanders and nuclear scientists in a span of a few hours.
In 12 days, 1,200 people were killed. Tehran retaliated. The US bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities.
Those events – alongside two years of Israel’s genocide of Palestinians in Gaza – reshaped how many Iranians view western claims of freedom, democracy, and human rights.
When protest meets foreign provocation
Since the economically-rooted protests in January, when Trump warned Iranian authorities against killing protesters and encouraged unrest by telling demonstrators to “keep protesting, help is on the way,” the country has faced an intense psychological war.
Threats of military action, harassment by elements of the Iranian diaspora, and constant western media speculation about imminent strikes have created a climate of sustained pressure. Even the resumption of negotiations between Tehran and Washington has not reduced those threats.
On the surface, life in Tehran appears normal, but beneath the surface, one can feel the hidden anxiety. The high cost of living and rising prices – coupled with market instability that triggered the January protests – remain unresolved. The violence that followed, and the subsequent police crackdown, continue to fuel dissatisfaction.
More than 3,000 people were killed during the unrest, according to the Iranian government. The violence further damaged the trust between segments of society and the authorities. It is widely believed that roughly one-quarter of the dead were mostly young citizens encouraged by diaspora media to take to the streets to topple the Islamic Republic. Many were swayed by Trump’s promise that “help” was coming.
Iranian media outlets, including the state broadcaster IRIB, largely avoid amplifying Trump’s threats or western reports of war, likely to prevent panic and market turmoil. But social media tells another story. London-based Persian-language outlets such as Iran International and BBC Persian circulate reports of impending war that are rapidly shared and repeated. Some accept these claims without question.
Word on the street
In the absence of credible surveys, it is almost impossible to determine the percentage of those who support America’s aggression against Iran. But a brief chat with ordinary citizens, however, reflects the range of sentiments circulating beneath the surface.
Speaking to The Cradle, one 80-year-old Tehran citizen hopes Trump will drop bombs on Iran and “they” (the Islamic Republic and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei) will fall. “Americans want Iran’s nuclear program to be dismantled, OK, Give it up. Why do they need a nuclear program?”
Yet he cannot say who should replace the current system if it collapses. “They must go, no matter who replaces them. They killed so many children. Basijis themselves set mosques and infrastructure on fire to blame protesters.”
A woman has the same feeling, though she does not pin her hope on Trump’s attack on Iran:
“America’s attack would worsen our life. I don’t want a military attack but the regime must go. Those who shot our children were not Iranian police, they were Iraqis and Afghans. Our police and the IRGC [Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps] officers are joining the diaspora opposition.”
She does not offer any source for her claims.
A pharmacist in Damavand, about 70 kilometers northwest of Tehran, says this government must collapse. He does not deny that he is well-off, telling The Cradle: “I am worried about the future of my children, and only President Trump can topple the Islamic Republic. I hope he orders strikes against Iran.”
Between anger and defiance
On 12 January, large crowds rallied across the country to condemn the unrest and chaos. One month later, on 11 February, millions nationwide marked the 47th anniversary of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
The two events, held over the past two months, drew a considerable number of participants. This show of support is now accompanied by a new expression of solidarity from non-religious, secular Iranians or the critics of the Islamic Republic who openly encourage the political establishment against the US.
These voices are most visible on social media, warning authorities not to accept a disarmament deal and framing zero enrichment as capitulation. Similar sentiments can be heard offline.
Karoun, the owner of a bag and luggage shop, assumes Trump will not attack Iran. “He wouldn’t talk so much and boast if he really intended to strike Iran. He tries to intimidate us,” he says, adding, “even if they attack Iran, they wouldn’t do any harm, they tried it once in the 1980s, it was not Saddam [Hussein] alone, it was the entire west, and they failed. This time, they will fail again.”
A woman in her late 50s lambasts the Iranian diaspora, “No community is worse than them, they ask a foreigner to drop bombs on their fellow Iranians. They live a miserable life abroad, and want to see the misery of the people who are living a normal life here.”
Hamed, 24, expresses a different kind of resolve. Unemployed since graduating last year, he says he hopes Trump attacks so “we finally can finish off Israel and America together.”
“He [Trump] wants to take our nuclear program and missiles, while our nuclear program is Iran’s point of strength and is producing medicine needed for cancer treatment. He is bullying, we have very good missiles that could destroy Israel,” he adds.
Hamed also criticizes the government’s approach to negotiations. “They’ve tied everything to talks [with the US]. Nobody employs us because they are waiting for the outcome of the negotiations. [Foreign Minister] Araghchi doesn’t talk firmly to the Americans.”
Poll
Does the Iranian diaspora reflect the views of people inside the country?
Yes, it represents the majority view inside Iran
It reflects some frustration, but not support for foreign intervention
No, it exaggerates opposition and ignores national sovereignty concerns
It is deeply disconnected from realities inside Iran
6 votes, 6 days and 5 hours left
Tehran’s red lines
Contrary to Hamed’s criticisms, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi actually seems to have been firm enough in his indirect negotiations with the US team led by Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner. Araghchi on several occasions has made it clear that Iran will not discuss its missile program with any party “because it is simply a defensive matter.”
The Islamic Republic has also rejected the idea of dismantling its enrichment drive or reducing enrichment to zero.
On 19 February, Araghchi said, “Iran will offer its drafted version of the agreement to the American sides in the near future”. The top diplomat stressed that “there is no military solution to the current standoff and the 12-day Israeli-American strikes on Iran proved that.”
“We are prepared for war or peace, diplomacy or a military confrontation”, Araghchi emphasized.
The shadow of June
Despite official assurances, skepticism toward negotiations is growing. The trauma of the June strikes remains fresh, particularly since talks had been scheduled just days later.
Trump’s shifting deadlines – including giving Iran 10 to 15 days to reach a deal – have fueled further criticism. Iranian lawmaker Amir-Hussein Sabeti thinks, “Trump’s deadline and his threats prove for the umpteenth time that talks with the US are useless.” Sabeti argues, “Trump is either twisting Iran’s arm to agree with a deal or has made a decision to go to war against Iran but intends to blame Tehran for his decision.”
Veteran journalist Mashallah Sham al-Vaezin shares a similar view with Sabeti:
“The US administration is following the same pattern employed in June. It describes the atmosphere of the talks as positive, then sends positive signals and expresses willingness to conclude a deal but gradually raises the bar, sets a deadline for Iran to meet its conditions and when those conditions are rejected it kicks off a war.”
Iranian officials maintain that diplomacy remains possible. They have signaled readiness to dilute the 400-kilogram (882-pound) stockpile of uranium enriched to 60 percent to reassure Washington that the nuclear program is peaceful. However, they insist the missile program is non-negotiable.
After nearly two decades of intermittent nuclear talks between Iran, western state,s and the US, the gap between Trump’s demands and Tehran’s likely concessions remains wide. The path to a deal is long, and the memory of June looms over every step.
Despite the military strikes in the 12-day war, the Iranian government proved resilient and cohesive, maintaining control over domestic and foreign affairs. The conflict reinforced nationalist sentiment and social unity, even among secular and diverse political groups, while expectations of a widespread uprising did not materialize. Western analyses noted that US and Israeli attacks inadvertently unified Iranians against foreign aggression, strengthening the government’s internal position. Key institutions helped preserve state cohesion and counter internal threats; even exiled opposition acknowledged that Iranians want to determine their own future rather than accept a foreign-imposed system.
Iranian news outlet Hamshahri Online revealed that a European diplomat at Tehran’s Imam Khomeini Airport refused to pass his luggage through the scanner, citing diplomatic immunity.
Airport security explained to the European diplomat that the handling of diplomatic luggage follows a separate legal procedure, but he declined to comply.
Iranian customs then initiated formal procedures to inspect and seal the unusual cargo, which the diplomat left behind before departing Iran, “without following up on the status of his luggage and using political immunity.”
Days later, a second diplomat returned to the airport to follow up, prompting an official inspection conducted in the presence of customs and Foreign Ministry officials.
The search uncovered three Starlink modems and seven satellite phones hidden inside the suitcase. The equipment was confiscated, and the diplomat was denied entry into Iran.
The report identifies the diplomat as Andre Van Feichen but does not specify his nationality.
“Examination of his background revealed a complex relationship with the US. Andre Van Feichen is a security and defense expert who, according to documents leaked on the WikiLeaks website, has provided special reports on Iran to the US. Feichen, in a meeting with a senior American diplomat, provided the US government with a report on his time in Iran, as well as suggestions about Iran's strengths and weaknesses,” it went on to say.
The report comes as the US has been ramping up threats against Iran. The region faces the largest US airpower buildup since the invasion of Iraq, and multiple western media outlets have said a strike could come within days.
US President Donald Trump’s threats began at the same time as a deadly wave of Mossad-backed riots, which killed thousands in Iran in early January, including civilians and security officers.
During the unrest, authorities seized scores of Starlink devices from anti-government operatives and riot leaders.
Multiple reports at the time confirmed Iran’s use of military-grade GPS jammers to shut off Starlink, which had been deployed to Iran in a US-backed effort to ‘aid’ protesters amid an internet shutdown.
The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported on 13 February, citing US officials, that Washington covertly sent 6,000 Starlink terminals to Iran to help protesters and rioters communicate during internet shutdowns.
The report revealed the US sent them in the months leading up to the January riots.
The New York Times (NYT) had claimed in January that Starlink was being smuggled in by “a ragtag network of activists, developers and engineers.”
As tensions grow, Tehran is warning that US assets and bases all across the region will be struck if Iran is attacked. The Islamic Republic's Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, has threatened that US aircraft carriers deployed to West Asia will be targeted.
The dichotomy between war and a nuclear agreement has engulfed West Asia and Iran since the summer of last year, leaving a clear psychological imprint on society. June 2025 became a turning point in the minds of the Iranian people – when they woke up to Israeli airstrikes and the assassination of military commanders and nuclear scientists in a span of a few hours.
In 12 days, 1,200 people were killed. Tehran retaliated. The US bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities.
Those events – alongside two years of Israel’s genocide of Palestinians in Gaza – reshaped how many Iranians view western claims of freedom, democracy, and human rights.
When protest meets foreign provocation
Since the economically-rooted protests in January, when Trump warned Iranian authorities against killing protesters and encouraged unrest by telling demonstrators to “keep protesting, help is on the way,” the country has faced an intense psychological war.
Threats of military action, harassment by elements of the Iranian diaspora, and constant western media speculation about imminent strikes have created a climate of sustained pressure. Even the resumption of negotiations between Tehran and Washington has not reduced those threats.
On the surface, life in Tehran appears normal, but beneath the surface, one can feel the hidden anxiety. The high cost of living and rising prices – coupled with market instability that triggered the January protests – remain unresolved. The violence that followed, and the subsequent police crackdown, continue to fuel dissatisfaction.
More than 3,000 people were killed during the unrest, according to the Iranian government. The violence further damaged the trust between segments of society and the authorities. It is widely believed that roughly one-quarter of the dead were mostly young citizens encouraged by diaspora media to take to the streets to topple the Islamic Republic. Many were swayed by Trump’s promise that “help” was coming.
Iranian media outlets, including the state broadcaster IRIB, largely avoid amplifying Trump’s threats or western reports of war, likely to prevent panic and market turmoil. But social media tells another story. London-based Persian-language outlets such as Iran International and BBC Persian circulate reports of impending war that are rapidly shared and repeated. Some accept these claims without question.
Word on the street
In the absence of credible surveys, it is almost impossible to determine the percentage of those who support America’s aggression against Iran. But a brief chat with ordinary citizens, however, reflects the range of sentiments circulating beneath the surface.
Speaking to The Cradle, one 80-year-old Tehran citizen hopes Trump will drop bombs on Iran and “they” (the Islamic Republic and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei) will fall. “Americans want Iran’s nuclear program to be dismantled, OK, Give it up. Why do they need a nuclear program?”
Yet he cannot say who should replace the current system if it collapses. “They must go, no matter who replaces them. They killed so many children. Basijis themselves set mosques and infrastructure on fire to blame protesters.”
A woman has the same feeling, though she does not pin her hope on Trump’s attack on Iran:
“America’s attack would worsen our life. I don’t want a military attack but the regime must go. Those who shot our children were not Iranian police, they were Iraqis and Afghans. Our police and the IRGC [Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps] officers are joining the diaspora opposition.”
She does not offer any source for her claims.
A pharmacist in Damavand, about 70 kilometers northwest of Tehran, says this government must collapse. He does not deny that he is well-off, telling The Cradle: “I am worried about the future of my children, and only President Trump can topple the Islamic Republic. I hope he orders strikes against Iran.”
Between anger and defiance
On 12 January, large crowds rallied across the country to condemn the unrest and chaos. One month later, on 11 February, millions nationwide marked the 47th anniversary of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
The two events, held over the past two months, drew a considerable number of participants. This show of support is now accompanied by a new expression of solidarity from non-religious, secular Iranians or the critics of the Islamic Republic who openly encourage the political establishment against the US.
These voices are most visible on social media, warning authorities not to accept a disarmament deal and framing zero enrichment as capitulation. Similar sentiments can be heard offline.
Karoun, the owner of a bag and luggage shop, assumes Trump will not attack Iran. “He wouldn’t talk so much and boast if he really intended to strike Iran. He tries to intimidate us,” he says, adding, “even if they attack Iran, they wouldn’t do any harm, they tried it once in the 1980s, it was not Saddam [Hussein] alone, it was the entire west, and they failed. This time, they will fail again.”
A woman in her late 50s lambasts the Iranian diaspora, “No community is worse than them, they ask a foreigner to drop bombs on their fellow Iranians. They live a miserable life abroad, and want to see the misery of the people who are living a normal life here.”
Hamed, 24, expresses a different kind of resolve. Unemployed since graduating last year, he says he hopes Trump attacks so “we finally can finish off Israel and America together.”
“He [Trump] wants to take our nuclear program and missiles, while our nuclear program is Iran’s point of strength and is producing medicine needed for cancer treatment. He is bullying, we have very good missiles that could destroy Israel,” he adds.
Hamed also criticizes the government’s approach to negotiations. “They’ve tied everything to talks [with the US]. Nobody employs us because they are waiting for the outcome of the negotiations. [Foreign Minister] Araghchi doesn’t talk firmly to the Americans.”
Poll
Does the Iranian diaspora reflect the views of people inside the country?
Yes, it represents the majority view inside Iran
It reflects some frustration, but not support for foreign intervention
No, it exaggerates opposition and ignores national sovereignty concerns
It is deeply disconnected from realities inside Iran
6 votes, 6 days and 5 hours left
Tehran’s red lines
Contrary to Hamed’s criticisms, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi actually seems to have been firm enough in his indirect negotiations with the US team led by Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner. Araghchi on several occasions has made it clear that Iran will not discuss its missile program with any party “because it is simply a defensive matter.”
The Islamic Republic has also rejected the idea of dismantling its enrichment drive or reducing enrichment to zero.
On 19 February, Araghchi said, “Iran will offer its drafted version of the agreement to the American sides in the near future”. The top diplomat stressed that “there is no military solution to the current standoff and the 12-day Israeli-American strikes on Iran proved that.”
“We are prepared for war or peace, diplomacy or a military confrontation”, Araghchi emphasized.
The shadow of June
Despite official assurances, skepticism toward negotiations is growing. The trauma of the June strikes remains fresh, particularly since talks had been scheduled just days later.
Trump’s shifting deadlines – including giving Iran 10 to 15 days to reach a deal – have fueled further criticism. Iranian lawmaker Amir-Hussein Sabeti thinks, “Trump’s deadline and his threats prove for the umpteenth time that talks with the US are useless.” Sabeti argues, “Trump is either twisting Iran’s arm to agree with a deal or has made a decision to go to war against Iran but intends to blame Tehran for his decision.”
Veteran journalist Mashallah Sham al-Vaezin shares a similar view with Sabeti:
“The US administration is following the same pattern employed in June. It describes the atmosphere of the talks as positive, then sends positive signals and expresses willingness to conclude a deal but gradually raises the bar, sets a deadline for Iran to meet its conditions and when those conditions are rejected it kicks off a war.”
Iranian officials maintain that diplomacy remains possible. They have signaled readiness to dilute the 400-kilogram (882-pound) stockpile of uranium enriched to 60 percent to reassure Washington that the nuclear program is peaceful. However, they insist the missile program is non-negotiable.
After nearly two decades of intermittent nuclear talks between Iran, western state,s and the US, the gap between Trump’s demands and Tehran’s likely concessions remains wide. The path to a deal is long, and the memory of June looms over every step.
Despite the military strikes in the 12-day war, the Iranian government proved resilient and cohesive, maintaining control over domestic and foreign affairs. The conflict reinforced nationalist sentiment and social unity, even among secular and diverse political groups, while expectations of a widespread uprising did not materialize. Western analyses noted that US and Israeli attacks inadvertently unified Iranians against foreign aggression, strengthening the government’s internal position. Key institutions helped preserve state cohesion and counter internal threats; even exiled opposition acknowledged that Iranians want to determine their own future rather than accept a foreign-imposed system.
Thousands of Starlink devices
were seized from Mossad-backed rioters during the unrest in Iran earlier this
year
Authorities at Tehran airport
discovered Starlink satellite equipment in the luggage of a European diplomat
attempting to enter the country, Iranian media reported.Iranian news outlet Hamshahri Online revealed that a European diplomat at Tehran’s Imam Khomeini Airport refused to pass his luggage through the scanner, citing diplomatic immunity.
Airport security explained to the European diplomat that the handling of diplomatic luggage follows a separate legal procedure, but he declined to comply.
Iranian customs then initiated formal procedures to inspect and seal the unusual cargo, which the diplomat left behind before departing Iran, “without following up on the status of his luggage and using political immunity.”
Days later, a second diplomat returned to the airport to follow up, prompting an official inspection conducted in the presence of customs and Foreign Ministry officials.
The search uncovered three Starlink modems and seven satellite phones hidden inside the suitcase. The equipment was confiscated, and the diplomat was denied entry into Iran.
The report identifies the diplomat as Andre Van Feichen but does not specify his nationality.
“Examination of his background revealed a complex relationship with the US. Andre Van Feichen is a security and defense expert who, according to documents leaked on the WikiLeaks website, has provided special reports on Iran to the US. Feichen, in a meeting with a senior American diplomat, provided the US government with a report on his time in Iran, as well as suggestions about Iran's strengths and weaknesses,” it went on to say.
The report comes as the US has been ramping up threats against Iran. The region faces the largest US airpower buildup since the invasion of Iraq, and multiple western media outlets have said a strike could come within days.
US President Donald Trump’s threats began at the same time as a deadly wave of Mossad-backed riots, which killed thousands in Iran in early January, including civilians and security officers.
During the unrest, authorities seized scores of Starlink devices from anti-government operatives and riot leaders.
Multiple reports at the time confirmed Iran’s use of military-grade GPS jammers to shut off Starlink, which had been deployed to Iran in a US-backed effort to ‘aid’ protesters amid an internet shutdown.
The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported on 13 February, citing US officials, that Washington covertly sent 6,000 Starlink terminals to Iran to help protesters and rioters communicate during internet shutdowns.
The report revealed the US sent them in the months leading up to the January riots.
The New York Times (NYT) had claimed in January that Starlink was being smuggled in by “a ragtag network of activists, developers and engineers.”
As tensions grow, Tehran is warning that US assets and bases all across the region will be struck if Iran is attacked. The Islamic Republic's Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, has threatened that US aircraft carriers deployed to West Asia will be targeted.
No comments:
Post a Comment